集中居住背景下农村空巢老人居家养老模式探析

工业化引致农村大量劳动力向城镇转移,农村空巢老人日益增多.现行的集中居住政策有利于改善空巢老人的养老环境,据此可尝试“居住家庭+家庭供养+养老保险+社区照顾+支持系统+社会化服务”的居家养老模式.具体方略是:合理规划,设计人性化的老人居住环境;利用土地收益,完善老人的社会保障体系;加强社区养老设施建设,提供社会化养老服务;动员邻里,开展社区照顾;强化政府责任,构建社会支持系统.     

浅析城市空巢老人的社区养老现状与对策研究

当前我国已经步入老龄化社会,城市中空巢老人的养老问题是当今学界比较关注的社会热点问题之一,也是重要的民生议题。我国以家庭养老为主,但空巢老人子女不在身边或者没有子女,缺少家庭养老的氛围和条件,所以开展空巢老人的社区养老势在必行,促进空巢老人老有所养、老有所乐、老有所医也是以人为本建设和谐社会的题中应有之意。本文在分析城市空巢老人社区养老现状和必要性的基础上,分析了城市空巢老人社区养老存在的各种问题,并提出了相应的对策和建议。     

社区照顾:城市养老模式发展的新取向

在中国沉重的"未富先老"养老压力下,社区照顾逐渐成为城市养老模式新的增长点。家庭养老意识淡化、功能弱化使得老年人的日常生活照顾问题日益凸显,社区照顾的发展为这一问题的解决提供了有效的方法。社区照顾理论基础和实践中所形成的目标模式都为目前我国城市养老方式的探索提供了借鉴意义。基于对社区照顾的探讨,初步探索了当前在我国发展城市社区照顾的积极意义。     

调研接地气 参政有底气——安庆民进议政调研工作小记

<正>"‘出门一把锁,进门一盏灯’是空巢老人生活的真实写照……""成立社区服务组织联合会的确是不错的设想……"2013年9月1日下午,安庆市民政局会议室气氛热烈,安庆民进"关于社区社会组织的发展现状及对策"和"空巢老人养老问题"联合调研组,与市民政局、市老龄委办公室以及迎江区民政局、社居委等单位的同志进行座谈,就进一步推进安庆市社区组织的健康发展和破解空巢老人所面临现实困难的途径进行探讨。这是安庆民进开展议政调研工作的一个镜头。     

多措并举 提升空巢老人幸福感

正【提案背景】随着独生子女家庭成为社会主力家庭时代的到来,家庭结构发生了变化。独生子女因工作在外地、国外或生活方式及消费价值观与老人存在较大差异等原因,与老人不一同居住,不方便或无能力照顾父母,空巢老人年龄趋于低龄化,这类群体日益庞大,他们的失落感、无助感日益突出。     

我国空巢老人孤独感现状及对策研究

随着我国人口老龄化加剧及空巢家庭的增多,空巢老人的心理问题,特别是孤独感成了影响我国空巢老人晚年生活质量的重要因素。提出加强心理健康知识宣传、继续弘扬"孝"文化传统、发挥空巢老人主体优势并构建完善的空巢老人身心健康服务体系等对策来帮助空巢老人克服孤独感。     

对农村空巢老人养老保障问题的思考

农村空巢老人的数量已日益庞大,由此带来的一系列养老保障问题越来越突出。阐述了农村空巢老人的生存现状,重点分析了农村空巢老人在生产劳动、经济来源、日常生活、精神供养等方面存在的养老保障问题,指出了人口流动、社会保障、生活理念等使农村空巢老人出现养老问题的原因,并在农村经济发展、养老保障、社区养老、精神文化活动等方面提出了完善农村空巢老人养老保障的建议。     

论"空巢老人"养老服务市场化

随着社会的发展，我国老龄化问题加剧，家庭功能弱化，社会产生越来越多的“空巢老人”，“空巢老人”的养老问题已成为一个社会问题。本文以哈尔滨市为例，通过调查．分析了“空巢老人”的产生的原因和生活状况并提出“空巢老人”养老服务的市场化对策。     

影响城市“空巢老人”养老效果的因素分析

在医疗照顾和医疗救济方面,经体弱多病且无经济能力或者经济能力不强的空巢老人的申请,由政府出资为他们提供免费服务。甚至可以在经济条件允许的情况下,对日常生活无自理能力或者自理能力弱的空巢老人给予上门护理服务。     

我国绿色金融可持续发展的长效机制探索

面对日益严峻的资源环境形势,发展绿色金融是促进经济结构转型、推动经济可持续发展的必然选择。目前我国绿色金融发展受到政策制度不健全、金融产品创新不足、金融机构绿化程度不高、绿色发展理念欠缺等制约。推动绿色金融可持续发展,应借鉴国外发展经验,构建"政府引导、市场运作、社会参与"的绿色金融长效机制,从宏观、中观、微观三个层面同时着力:宏观层面要优化政策制度环境,中观层面要打造绿色金融市场体系,微观层面要树立绿色发展观念。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.