印尼伊斯兰教主流派与极端派初探

印尼是世界第四大人口大国,又是世界穆斯林人数最多的国家。苏哈托政权垮台后,伊斯兰势力已重返政治舞台,伊斯兰化倾向日益明显。印尼伊斯兰教主流派比较温和与包容,反对在印尼建立伊斯兰教国家。极端派主张在印尼实行伊斯兰教派规,人数虽小,但组织严密,能量也大。美国“9·11”事件后,在当前反对国际恐怖主义斗争中,印尼极端组织的动向引起国际社会的关注。     

试析爪哇伊斯兰教的和谐价值观

印尼是世界上穆斯林最多的国家,但是大部分印尼人尤其是爪哇人信奉的伊斯兰教有别于其他国家或地区,即带有浓厚爪哇特色的伊斯兰教,是伊斯兰教与爪哇原始文化以及印度文化相结合而成的爪哇伊斯兰教。爪哇伊斯兰教强调的是实现内心或精神和谐以及社会和谐的价值观,但现实的印尼社会却与“和谐”相距甚远,所以爪哇伊斯兰教所崇尚和追求的只能说是理想中的和谐。     

印尼伊斯兰教与基督教冲突的根源

冷战结束后 ,伊斯兰教复兴运动再次席卷穆斯林世界 ,伊斯兰势力在国际政治舞台上的作用 ,成为 2 0世纪末最重要的政治现象之一。伊斯兰复兴运动的东渐影响着东南亚局势的发展。印尼作为世界最大穆斯林国家 ,在世纪末遭受亚洲金融危机的重创 ,政治、经济和社会危机总爆发。民族宗教冲突是社会危机的突出表现之一 ,而伊斯兰教与基督教冲突又是宗教冲突的焦点。探讨印尼宗教冲突的根源 ,有助于了解印尼局势的发展 ;解决印尼宗教冲突 ,有利于东南亚地区的稳定 ,这是各国政府和学者共同关心的问题。     

印尼伊斯兰教育中的政治因素

伊斯兰教育体系是印尼穆斯林社会的重要组成部分,在传播伊斯兰宗教知识与信仰方面发挥着重要作用.印尼独立后,随着国家向世俗化与现代化方向转变,印尼的伊斯兰学校也经历了前所未有的转变."去伊斯兰教化"与"去政治化"成为印尼政府改革伊斯兰教育体系的重要方针.在苏哈托推行"新秩序"时期,改革伊斯兰教育成为政党斗争的一个焦点.一方面,印尼的传统伊斯兰学校在政府的打压下渐呈萎缩与衰落之势;另一方面,传统伊斯兰学校也被迫朝着"世俗化"与"现代化"的方向改革,求得继续生存与发展.20世纪80年代以来,随着全球伊斯兰复兴运动的发展,伊斯兰学校的宣教运动也逐渐高涨,对推动当代印尼伊斯兰激进主义的发展有着不可忽视的作用.     

伊斯兰教复兴浪潮冲击印尼

伊斯兰教复兴浪潮冲击印尼孔远志七十年代以来，伊斯三教复兴主义思潮以中乐为中心，向亚菲、特别是穆斯林人口多的国家迅速蔓延。印尼也不例外。印尼全国人口约１．８亿，穆斯林占８８％，即１．６亿左右。她是世界上穆斯林最多的国家。目前伊斯兰教复兴主义思潮对印尼社...     

从印尼社会特点看伊斯兰教与政治的关系

印度尼西亚是世界上穆斯林人口最多的国家,但伊斯兰教在政治中的影响较小.这是由印尼社会的特点决定的.印尼是多元种族社会,主张融和的爪哇文化占主导地位,印尼穆斯林大都属名义穆斯林,加之威权政治下的弱政党制度,使得印尼人更拥护潘查希拉而不是伊斯兰教为立国基础.     

印尼华人同化中伊斯兰化问题初探

伊斯兰化是当前印尼华人社会的新动向。印尼及国外学术界对此极为关注,并作了认真研究。我国学术界在讨论印尼华人问题时有所涉及,且有不同看法,但尚未作专门研究。本文对印尼华人信奉伊斯兰教的历史、当前华人穆斯林的特点、实现华人伊斯兰化的阻力,以及印尼政府和社会对华人伊斯兰化的反应等问题作了介绍。作者持肯定和乐观的态度,指出伊斯兰化有利于华人的生存发展,是华人自然同化的发展趋势;还认为,通过我国穆斯林与印尼华人穆斯林建立密切关系,将有助于中印(尼)两国的关系正常化。     

试析印尼中东政策中的伊斯兰因素

印度尼西亚是世界上伊斯兰人口最多的国家，在其２亿人口中，穆斯林占约８５％的比例；中东是伊斯兰世界的中心，也是当今事态多变的热点地区。那么在印尼处理与该地区国家和组织的关系中，伊斯兰教这一因素占据着什么样的地位呢？本文拟通过分析印尼针对阿以冲突、巴勒斯...     

巴厘岛爆炸案对印尼和国际反恐斗争的影响

印尼巴厘岛大爆炸震惊世界 ,它是阿尔·盖达基地组织同印尼伊斯兰极端组织联手策划实施的。大爆炸冲击了印尼的政治、经济和社会 ,也促进了国际反恐斗争的合作 ,而伊斯兰极端组织今后的动向 ,更加引起国际社会的关注。     

伊斯兰教与东南亚国家现代化关系刍议

东南亚是世界穆斯林人口最多的地区之一,伊斯兰教对穆斯林占人口多数的印尼、马来西亚和文莱的现代化进程产生深刻影响,也对穆斯林人口占少数的新加坡、泰国和菲律宾现代化进程产生一定影响.本文认为由于伊斯兰国家的政治制度、经济发展水平、教育程度、社会结构、国际环境不同,伊斯兰与现代化的关系是多样的,不仅中东和东南亚地区伊斯兰与现代化的关系有较大不同,而且东南亚国家间亦有较大差别,表现出伊斯兰与现代化关系的多样性.     

“曼陀罗思想”对印尼外交政策的影响:战略文化的视角

战略文化对一国的外交政策有着深远的影响。印尼具有悠久的历史,在古代深受印度教和佛教等宗教文化的影响,这其中就包含"曼陀罗思想"的影响。"曼陀罗"是指一种同心圆的结构,由核心与边缘组成,其变化由核心决定,并延伸具备了一种战略文化的内涵。本文对印尼自建国至今历经的外交政策进行整体分析,认为其外交政策变化深受"曼陀罗"这一战略文化影响,在其历经的苏加诺、苏哈托、后苏哈托等不同时期形成了不同的"曼陀罗"结构,并且由于不同时期外交政策的核心不同,其边缘也发生了变化和延展。从战略文化视角对"曼陀罗思想"等进行理论和案例分析,不仅有利于理解印尼的外交政策,而且能够为中国对印尼政策提供相关政策参考。     

A New Islamic Populism and the Contradictions of Development

A new form of Islamic populism has evolved in many parts of the Muslim world. Its emergence is part of the more universal phenomenon of populist responses to the contradictions of globalised capitalism. It is also a consequence of the outcomes of Cold War-era social conflicts and of social-structural transformations in Muslim societies over the last half-century. Specifically, it articulates the rising ambitions and growing frustrations of urban middle classes across the Muslim world, the anxieties of growing urban poor populations and relatively peripheralised sections of the bourgeoisie. Thus representing cross-class coalitions, the New Islamic Populism aims to provide access to power and tangible resources to an ummah conceived to be both downtrodden and homogeneous, though in actuality, increasingly differentiated. This is demonstrated through a discussion of Indonesia, Egypt and Turkey. The article is intended to provide an alternative to analyses that have tended to dominate discussions of Islamic politics over the last decade. These include analyses that emphasise radical ideas transmitted by shadowy transnational networks that threaten the global secular order and those that posit a strong relationship between political moderation and democratic practice but tend to overlook the structural underpinnings of Islamic politics.     

印尼大选透视

印尼 6月 7日大选在公开、公正情况下顺利完成 ,国际社会逐渐对印尼恢复信心。国内政治趋于稳定 ,经济出现好转迹象 ,民众的信心也逐步恢复。大选产生五个大党 ,但没有一个政党占优势 ,组成联合政府势在必行。大选是议席和权力再分配的过程 ,谁当总统 ?梅加瓦蒂和哈比比成为焦点人物 ,这个谜要到 10月才能解开。     

Imagine All the People? Mobilising Islamic Populism for Right-Wing Politics in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Right-wing politics in Indonesia is frequently associated with Islamic populist ideas. In part this is because Islamic organisations played a major role in the army-led destruction of the Indonesian Communist Party in the 1960s. Since then Islamic populism has evolved greatly and in post-authoritarian Indonesia it includes manifestations that see no fundamental contradiction between Islam and neo-liberal market economies as well as those that do. Significantly, like their counterparts in other countries, Indonesian Islamic populists maintain vigilance against the purveyors of class-based politics who may exert a divisive influence on the ummah. Thus, Indonesian Islamic populism shares with many of its counterparts a disdain for Leftist challenges to private property and capital accumulation besides political liberalism’s affinity to the secular national state. Yet strands of Islamic populism have relegated the project of establishing a state based on sharia to the background and embraced the democratic process. But this has not translated necessarily into social pluralist positions on a range of issues because the reinforcement of cultural idioms associated with Islam is required for the mobilisation of public support in contests over power and resources based on an ummah-based political identity.     

Islam in Indonesia: Its History,Development and Future Challenges

In Indonesian history, Islamic groups have always played an important political role. Jusuf Wanandi, co-founder of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta, states that most of these groups are moderate, tolerant and democratic. In the past few years, however, radical and extreme groups of Muslims have emerged and to some degree have set the agenda in the country with their extreme political interpretation of Islam. The depth of political and economic crises, and the weakness of the national government to resolve the crises have complicated the positive development of Islam in Indonesia. This is the biggest challenge facing young Muslim leaders. If they should succeed, which is quite likely, Indonesia's Islam could become the model for political Islam around the world. Wanandi concludes that this will be Indonesia's biggest contribution against global terrorism.     

试论印尼华人文化

本文运用文化哲学原理,以印尼华人文化为研究对象,通过对其本体的解析、时空的察析及其运动态势的审视认为,印尼华人文化是一种构成多元、部类层叠的复合文化,是一种处在不断“当地化”又坚持“中华化”、对立统一运动的移民文化;印尼华人文化既有别于在印尼的异族文化,又不同于中华文化,是“移居”印尼的中华文化与在印尼的异族文化综合融合的结晶,是印尼华人的族群标识,是一种相对独立的民族(部族)文化,即华人“部族”文化;印尼华人文化复合了大量的中华文化和非中华文化要素,与生俱来就是中华文化与在印尼的各异族文化进行对话交流的重要中介,是印尼华人、印尼各民族(部族)的共同财富,是中国发展与印尼的友好关系、睦邻善邻友邻、构建和谐亚洲和世界的重要资源,是21世纪中国和平崛起的的宝贵资源。     

Letter-writing and Transnational Activism on Behalf of Indonesian Political Prisoners: Gatot Lestario and his Legacy

Amnesty International estimated in 1977 that between 600,000 and 750,000 Indonesians had been or were still imprisoned as a result of the Army-led anti-communist violence in Indonesia in the mid-1960s. This article charts the relationship between members of Amnesty International and the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) with a political prisoner on death row in East Java, Gatot Lestario, a former leader of the Indonesian Communist Party. This article draws on the letters he wrote over a period of three years before his execution in 1985 and interviews with his pen pals. It traces the ways in which he encouraged his pen pals to advocate for human rights in Indonesia and their responses, as well as his own involvement in political prisoner advocacy. This case study illustrates the disappearance of Indonesia's previously close and solidary relationship with the socialist world and its replacement at the people-to-people level with human rights activism involving Western activists. This is particularly evident in the increasingly important role played by members of Amnesty International, the Quakers and other overseas organizations concerned with Indonesia. Finally, the article assesses Gatot Lestario's impact, after his execution, on the development of a long-term advocacy network for Indonesia's political prisoners.     

A Tale of Three Cities: Electoral Accountability in Indonesian Local Politics

In Indonesia, local government is endowed with important policy prerogatives and local politics is key to advance social welfare. The literature on Indonesian local politics has convincingly exposed serious limitations in local democratic practices, and it has questioned the ability of local democracy to promote genuine political change. This work, however, predominantly focuses on elite politics and specific forms of accountability based on patronage and clientelism. In this paper, we study democratic accountability in Indonesia from a different perspective. Drawing from the comparative literature on voting behavior, we hypothesize that Indonesian voters evaluate local politicians for their performance, and that they vote to reward or punish them for what they do in office. The analysis of three original surveys conducted in the cities of Medan, Samarinda and Surabaya offers partial support for this argument. While there is a positive relationship between evaluations of local government performance and support for incumbents, the strength of this link varies substantially across individuals and cities. The results shed new light on voter-politician linkages in Indonesia, suggesting that forms of accountability different from clientelism may emerge in this large and diverse country.     

Indonesian politics: Current situation,future outlook

Where is Indonesia heading? How has Indonesia's experience since May 1998 changed Indonesian politics, and what developments can be expected in the future? Can the Habibie administration put Indonesia back on the development track? Professor Takashi Shiraishi of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, argues that since the collapse of the Soeharto regime there has been a dispersal of authority—political, social, and regional. Divisive issues that are at the very root of politics in Indonesia have once again come to the fore, and only if a broad national agreement can be formed will the government be able to prevent the current structural crisis from developing into a much more serious nation‐wide crisis.     

Prospects for Islam in post‐Soeharto Indonesia∗

The Islamic parties combined may win a majority of the popular vote in the general elections in Indonesia in June, says Professor Mitsuo Nakamura of the Department of Cultural Anthropology, Chiba University, but there is virtually no possibility that so‐called “Islamic fundamentalism” will gain influence, and little likelihood that a solid Islamic bloc dominating both legislative and executive bodies of the government would initiate a comprehensive program of Islamization. In this article, Nakamura discusses the implications of the growing number of Islamic political parties for the future of Indonesian politics, and whether the emergence of these parties is likely to be detrimental or conducive to the reconstruction of Indonesia's national life on a more democratic footing.