生育与养育：女性农民工子女随迁的工资惩罚——基于核心家庭样本的分析

在农民工群体规模不断增长且家庭化迁移趋势日益凸显的背景下,妥善解决子女随迁带来的系列问题愈发重要。本研究聚焦子女随迁造成的女性农民工工资收入降低问题,基于母职工资惩罚理论,将女性农民工群体承担母职角色造成的工资惩罚分为生育惩罚与养育惩罚,利用2018年流动人口动态监测数据进行检验。研究发现：生育惩罚会降低女性农民工工资的2.4%,养育惩罚会显著降低女性农民工工资收入的11.0%;在一孩家庭中,幼儿园年龄段的子女随迁对新生代受教育程度较低的女性农民工造成的养育惩罚最为严重;在二孩家庭中,婴幼儿年龄段的子女随迁对新生代受过高等教育的女性农民工造成的养育惩罚最为严重,且二孩家庭婴幼儿年龄段的子女随迁对工资造成的负向影响是独生子女家庭同年龄段子女随迁的4倍多。研究建议,要加强二孩家庭的托育服务供给,如提供在农民工家庭支付能力内的日间照料、托管、家政等服务,进一步释放流动人口带来的劳动力资源,促进劳动力市场的性别平等。     

农民工回乡创业是解决空心村问题的重要途径——以北京郊区新农村为分析对象

由于城乡二元差距的存在,导致农村青壮年劳动力的大量流失,在我国广大农村地区出现了人文意义上的空心村,严重影响了我国新农村建设进程.现阶段,应通过引导部分优秀农民工回乡创业,以他们的创业带动农村就业,进而解决空心村问题.政府要从人力资源充实的视角去引导农民工回乡创业,落实新农村建设政策.     

关于农民工生活和工作状况的调查报告

围绕农民工的基本状况、工作状况、权利保障情况、社会地位的自我感知和家庭生活状况设计了相关问题,期望获得一些有关农民工的更接近真实的信息,为城乡二元体制的改革提出思考.     

新生代农民工培训供给需求与培训意愿综合关系实证研究——对深圳新生代农民工教育培训的调查

新生代农民工已经成为中国农民工的主体,他们的劳动素质不仅关系到其自身的就业机会和收入水平,也会影响到中国的整体素质和国家竞争力.因此,如何通过教育培训提高新生代农民工的素质和融入城市的能力是现实必须解决的问题.     

论劳动关系状况对农民工融入城市的制约

进城农民市民化是我国现代化进程的必然要求。目前有一亿多农民工在城市谋求生存和发展,他们已经成为我国工人阶级的一部分,是这一进程的生力军。农民工进入城市之后,劳动关系成为其最基本的社会关系,而目前农民工在劳动时间、劳动报酬、劳动安全、社会保险、劳动关系类型等方面面临的劳动关系状况直接制约了他们顺利融入城市社会的再社会化进程。     

工会参与提高了农民工城镇职工基本医疗保险的参保率吗？

城镇职工基本医疗保险参保与工会参与是农民工实现与城镇本地职工同等权利的重要内容，关系到农民工市民化进程的推进。基于2017年CMDS数据，研究探讨了工会参与对农民工城镇职工基本医疗保险参保率的影响。研究发现：农民工参与工会活动会显著提高其城镇职工基本医疗保险的参保率，在经过倾向得分匹配等稳健性检验后结论依旧成立；工会参与对参加城镇职工基本医疗保险的促进作用在农民工的代际之间均有显著作用，但对老一代农民工的影响更大。研究建议，为更好地加强农民工劳动权益保护，应当重视工会建设，以推动城镇职工基本医疗保险对农民工更广的覆盖。     

就业稳定性、市民化意愿与农民工消费

采用广东省 2740 份农民工调查数据，分析了农民工的稳定就业促进市民化意愿增强，进而增加 其消费的作用机理，并探讨了城市差异对其影响。研究结果显示，就业稳定性对农民工消费有着显著的正向影 响，并存在以市民化意愿为中介变量的中介效应。进一步研究发现，存在被城市差异调节的市民化意愿中介效应。 在非一线城市，市民化意愿的中介效应显著存在。而在一线城市，市民化意愿的中介效应则不存在，即一线城 市中就业稳定性并不能促进农民工的市民化意愿。因此，提升农民工的就业稳定性，在制定和实施差别落户政 策中应该对农民工开放更多机会，对促进农民工的市民化与消费至关重要。     

金融危机背景下农民工视角的就业前景分析

受国际金融危机的冲击,一些企业陷入困境,农民工就业受到影响。金融危机条件下,农民工视角的就业前景是:出于生计考虑,外出务工仍是其主要选择;金融危机并没有减弱农民工外出务工的强烈愿望;农民工对金融危机背景下的就业前景持较为乐观的态度;农民工的权利意识不断增强。     

当前阶段我国农村劳动力永久性迁移问题

如何实现农村劳动力永久性迁移、结束"两种城市化"的对立,一直是困扰我国城乡协调发展的重要问题。结合我国当前农村劳动力非永久性迁移的状况、影响我国未来农村劳动力转移的基础因素、当前阶段我国促进劳动力永久性迁移的户籍政策效果以及政策建议等四个方面对此问题进行了研究。研究发现:随着我国经济向高质量发展转变,影响劳动力转移的基础因素发生了改变并对未来我国劳动力转移和农村劳动力永久性迁移产生了较大影响;当前我国已经开始部分放开户籍管理制度,这将对未来农村劳动力永久性迁移产生积极影响,省会城市及部分地级市、新生代农民工及在校大学生等将是主要受益者;然而,不能寄希望于通过放宽户籍制度大规模促进新增农村劳动力转移,同时要特别防止部分城市希望通过吸引外来人口来促进房地产行业发展的倾向。     

An ethnography of global labour migration

An ever more aggressive anti-migration propaganda war is being waged by the majority of British media, where migration in any form is consistently portrayed on the basis of forming and consolidating a response to a security threat. While tens of thousands of migrant workers are exchanging their sweated labour for meagre wages in the 3-D jobs – dirty, dangerous and degrading – in Britain's food-processing, electronic manufacturing, catering, cleaning and hospitality industries outside any mechanism of labour protection, Britain today is still declining to at least ratify the UN Convention on the Rights of Migrant Workers and Their Families in effect since last year. In the post-Morecambe debate on migration and demand for regularizing gangmasters, policing and immigration raids are seen as the quick cure for migrant labour exploitation. The argument sounds as if the only way to get rid of employers' violation of minimum labour rights is to get rid of migrant workers. Britain has forgotten to ask – who are the migrant workers? They are the ones who sweep British roads, clean British supermarkets and serve you food in restaurants in every high street. They are the ones who sew the clothes you wear, put together your microwaves and process the British salads that you have on your dinner table everyday. Migrant workers are people you don't meet everyday but upon whom you depend. To find out about the chain of exploitation in which migrant workers live and the impact of British immigration controls that are fundamental to their lives, I lived undercover among the Chinese workers from whom I learnt a great deal.     

“We feel that our strength is on the factory floor”: Dualism,shop-floor power,and labor law reform in late apartheid South Africa

ABSTRACT

This article explores the transformation of South African labor relations during the 1980s. In 1979, prompted by new shop-floor militancy, the Wiehahn Commission recommended that black workers, previously excluded from state labor machinery, be permitted to join recognized trade unions. Most discussions of this shift in apartheid labor relations focus on the ensuing debate within the black unions, torn between preserving their independence or securing state legitimation. This article looks instead at the related debate about ‘levels of bargaining’: should emergent black unions demand to negotiate at the factory level, where they had secured shop-floor strength through organizing and democratic practice, or pursue the benefits of the corporatist bargaining structures that had long excluded them and had privileged white workers? The eventual drift towards corporatism, I argue, imprinted the character of the South African labor movement into the post-apartheid era. An understandable desire to wield influence at the level of the national political economy eroded the tradition of workers’ control, shop floor democracy, and struggle unionism that black unions had forged during the 1970s and 1980s.     

Forging feminism within labor unions and the legacy of democracy movements in South Korea

Abstract

Although most scholarship stresses that ‘male regular worker-centeredness’ is a trait of mainstream Korean labor unions, the specific reasons why feminism has failed to spread within Korean unionism have not been clarified. In order to answer this question, this article focuses on the entangled interrelations of feminism with broader social movements, maintaining that the historical legacy of the victory of the 1987 Great Worker Struggle – led by male workers from the heavy and chemical industries – is still a powerful factor in discouraging the spread of feminism, even though a fundamental transformation in the nature of Korean labor unions from being primarily class conscious to economistic has taken place. This article also highlights that Korean women’s movements have raised little criticism against the gender-blindness of labor unionism largely because Korean labor unions have been positioned as a ‘moral force’ in bringing about democratization. Furthermore, I stress that conflict between old feminists (socialist feminism) and young feminists (radical feminism), who tend to reflect on the dichotomous relations between gender and/or class, has actually been counterproductive to the proliferation of feminism within Korean labor unions.     

关于流动型务工人员加入工会的思考

随着企事业单位劳动人事制度改革的深入,流动型务工人员已经成为社会主义现代化建设的重要力量。及时吸收他们加入工会组织,有效地保护他们的合法权益,充分凋动他们的劳动热情和积极性,是工会组织义不容辞的责任。吸收流动型务工人员入会要从转变观念、建立必要的规章制度做起,同时要在全社会形成共识,尽快建立起与之相适应的协调机制。     

论农民工劳动权益保障的工会效应 ——基于流动人口动态监测调查数据的经验验证

我国正处于经济增速放缓、产业结构快速调整期,农民工权益容易遭受侵犯,工会在保障农民 工权益方面发挥了怎样的作用广受社会关注。研究利用 2014 年原国家卫计委流动人口动态监测调查数据,运用两 阶段最小二乘法（TSLS）、扩展回归模型（ERM）和多元 Logit 模型对农民工权益保障的工会效应进行估计。研 究结果表明,工会不仅可以显著提高农民工的工资收入,降低农民工的工作时间,减少过度劳动问题,而且可以 大幅度改善农民工的社会保险福利,提高农民工参加城镇职工养老保险、失业保险、城镇职工医疗保险、工伤保险、 生育保险的比率。因此,要维护农民工的基本劳动权益,工会部门优先要做的是下大力气提高农民工的入会率。     

农民工劳动力供给行为的经济学分析

农民工在城市从事的都是以"生存经济"为特征的低收入工作,收入的效用对他们比较大,因而他们的无差异曲线比较平坦;农民工的技能水平低并且可支配时间被人为地缩短了,因此他们的预算线也比较平坦,由此决定了农民工的效用最大化水平相对于城市居民要低.但农民工所参照的群体是农村居民而非城市居民,因此进城打工的收入只要高于农村收入,他们就会接受这份工作.     

Showdown at Nissan: the 1989 campaign to organize Nissan in Smyrna,Tennessee, and the rise of the transplant sector

In July 1989, workers at Nissan’s plant in Smyrna, Tennessee, voted 1622 to 711 against being represented by the United Automobile Workers of America (UAW). At the time, many reporters saw the well-publicized Nissan vote – dubbed a ‘showdown’ by the New York Times – as a defining moment in modern labor history. The election deserves further exploration, especially as it played a key role in establishing the non-union ‘transplant’ sector. UAW leaders blamed the Smyrna loss on Nissan’s anti-union tactics, while the company claimed that workers did not need a union because they were already well paid (although this was largely due to the UAW’s presence). This article is the first to provide a detailed analysis that draws on the union’s records of the campaign, as well as many other sources. While the factors cited publicly were important, the article demonstrates that there were additional reasons for the union’s defeat, including internal divisions, unanticipated staffing problems, and the logistical challenge of organizing such a big – and new – facility. Although Nissan workers had many grievances, the company also fostered loyalty by not laying off workers, and by expanding the plant. Finally, it secured a high level of community support, and drew off the conservative political climate of the era.     

The involvement of the men and religion forward movement in the cause of labor justice,Atlanta, Georgia, 1912–1916∗

The radical ideologies and socialist overtones of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) made them an easy target for industrialists as nationalistic and patriotic propaganda flooded the pages of American newspapers during World War I. The war in Europe marked the beginning of the end for the rapid growth and labor organizing power of the IWW, especially in the northwestern United States where WWI was used as a means for state governments and regional industrialists to devise methods meant to damage the union beyond repair. After America’s declaration of war, the Washington State Council of Defense was formed in response to the nation’s demand for mobilization of its citizens for increased production of war materiel and to operate the state’s wartime propaganda machine. With an abundance of natural resources, Washington had a profound impact on national war production output. Although it possessed several important extractive industries, it was Washington’s quality grain, especially in the southeast portion of the state known as the Palouse, which made it a boon for agricultural industrialists. With wheat prices fixed at the highest in the nation’s history, Palouse farmers became wealthy as a result of WWI, while the area’s thousands of migrant laborers suffered from low wages and pitiful job conditions. A general strike issued during the 1917 harvest by the IWW’s most influential branch – the Agricultural Workers Industrial Union (AWIU) frightened area farmers, prompting the Defense Council to begin a systematic replacement of AWIU harvest hands via the organization of thousands of women, children, and retirees. Through appeals to patriotism and anti-labor rhetoric, the Defense Council and local reactionaries effectively circumvented union labor with its labor replacement campaign throughout the remainder of WWI, and without the use of violence so common to labor conflicts in Washington State. The IWW/AWIU in the Palouse never fully recovered from the onslaught, thus adding to the union’s near collapse in the aftermath of WWI.     

Organizing teachers in Pennsylvania, 1935–1941

ABSTRACT

By eliminating mandatory agency fees, the US Supreme Court’s Janus decision has created an opportunity for the American teachers’ unions to renew their commitment to organizing teachers. This article returns us to the pre-agency fee era, when on-the-ground organizational work was essential for building teachers’ unions. Drawing from archival documents, it shows how dedicated activists from Philadelphia and Pittsburgh reached out to Pennsylvania’s classroom teachers to draw them into the AFT during the later Depression years. It details the changes in their organizational strategy, the challenges organizers faced in the field, their successes and failures, and the work accomplished by a paid AFT organizer – Vivian Dahl – in 1938. Above all, it documents both the dividends of face-to-face interactions between organizers and prospective unionists and the difficulties of such work in an ideologically polarized political environment, among a group of workers dominated by the hierarchical ethos of professionalism.     

Employee benefits,migration and social struggles: an Indian coalfield, 1895–1970

ABSTRACT

During 1895–1970, in the Indian coalfield of Jharia, circular migration of the mineworker coexisted along with the fact that workers became regular over time. This article suggests that the development of employee benefits influenced the patterns of migration and settlement of workers. Employers, guided by a new industrial sensibility, came up with specific employee benefits, with an objective of continuous production from a group of settled workers. The workers’ approach to social security and the pressure exerted by them shaped the expansion of employee benefits. My finding takes an issue with the thesis of cheap migrant labour. The latter argument has insufficiently revealed the actual preferences of employees. My work critiques another thesis which suggests that workers maintained a preference for investment in rural homesteads; therefore choosing to remain oscillating migrants. My study suggests that workers developed a notion of the civilised and human form of life from the 1920s onwards. The self-respect campaign amongst the unprivileged caste groups, the movement for industrial democracy and national reconstruction and the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO’s) advocacy of civilised and human life for workers, gave a spur to new reproduction preferences. Now, they sought employee benefits regarded as necessary for a dignified living.     

Rural women migrant returnees in contemporary China

This essay focuses on the experiences of female returnees in rural–urban migration in contemporary China. Based on in-depth interviews with women migrants, returnees, their family members, friends and fellow villagers in both sending and receiving areas, the research examines rural migrant women's return migration process. It investigates rural migrant women's decision-making in the process, the ways women returnees construct their lives in the countryside, their identity negotiation as returnees and the impact of patriarchy on women's experiences of the return and resettlement process. The author argues that despite women's active involvement in migration and the ‘empowerment and agency’ gained through migration, the patriarchal power relations within rural households remain intact and continue to shape rural female returnees' life in their villages.