中俄美日与蒙古国关系的发展及其影响

冷战结束后尤其是近几年来,中、俄、美、日在政治、经济、军事、文化教育等领域全面加强与蒙古国的交往,凸显对蒙古国关系的重视.这些国家重视和加强与蒙古国的关系,既与蒙古国"等距离"、"多方位"外交政策有关,也与新世纪蒙古国在东北亚安全格局中地缘战略价值的提升有着密切联系.四个大国对蒙关系的加强,使蒙古国政治、经济发展所需的和平国际环境进一步改善,东北亚地区传统的安全紧张形势也有所缓解.但它们的对蒙关系均服从于各自的战略利益,且以双边交往为主,缺少多边互动,其消极影响难以避免.     

中亚国家:国际战略、外交政策与国家安全

分析影响中亚五国制定国际战略、外交政策和国家安全战略的各种因素,简介各国国际战略、外交政策和国家安全战略的异同点及其原因,以及中亚五国外交和国家安全观的特点,指出维护国家利益和民族利益是各国制定国际战略、外交政策和国家安全战略的出发点和核心.在当前国际形势相当复杂和"三股恶势力"肆虐中亚的情况下,中亚各国国家安全战略正面临巨大的考验.     

蒙古国多支点外交政策

20世纪90年代以后,蒙古国走上民主道路,开始奉行开放的、不结盟的、多支点的和平外交政策,并据此提出了"第三邻国"外交方针.在多支点外交政策下,蒙古国均衡发展对华、对俄关系,不断深化与美国等"第三邻国"的关系,并积极参与世界和地区的多边合作.     

蒙古国“多支点”外交战略与大国关系

前苏联解体和冷战结束后 ,地处中俄之间的蒙古国放弃了长期奉行的“一边倒”外交政策 ,制定了均衡发展与中俄两大邻国关系。同时 ,发展与美日等西方大国关系以及立足亚太地区的“多支点”外交战略。目前 ,蒙古国与南北两个邻国建立了蒙中睦邻互信伙伴关系和蒙俄睦邻传统伙伴关系 ,与美国发展战略伙伴关系 ,与日本确立了综合性伙伴关系。蒙古积极发展与大国的均衡关系 ,其意义在于 ,保障国家的独立、安全和未来发展 ,扩大自身活动空间 ,提高其国际地位 ,而且利用与大国的均势平衡使其相互牵制 ,以便从中获取更多利益。     

中国学术界近20年关于蒙古国问题研究综述

苏联解体、两极格局瓦解后,蒙古国进入改革开放的历史新时期,政治、经济及外交等都经历着深刻变化.中国与蒙古国关系1989年实现正常化以来,睦邻友好合作关系在各个领域不断发展.与此同时,中国学术界对蒙古国的外交政策、经济转轨及政治转型等问题进行了多角度的研究和探讨.本文力图对其进行梳理,并对中国学术界进一步深化蒙古国问题研究提出几点思考,以期推动蒙古国问题研究的不断发展.     

蒙古国推行“第三邻国”外交的原因探析

冷战后，经历了颜色革命的蒙古国在外交上进行了相应的“变色”，抛弃了以往彻底追随苏联的一边倒政策，采取多支点的外交政策。1994年，蒙古颁布了《蒙古国对外政策构想》，宣布实行不结盟、等距离以及全方位的多支点外交政策，并据此提出了“第三邻国”外交方针。亦即，除把中俄两大地缘邻国作为首要外交对象外，蒙古国还将美国、日本、印度、韩国、欧洲等视为“第三邻国”，并重点与其发展关系。     

《2006年美国国家安全战略报告》解析

《国家安全战略报告》是美国政府行政当局重要的战略性文件, 对美国政府的外交、 军事、安全领域的政策措施有很大影响力。通过解读美国国家安全战略报告, 我们可以从一定程度 上了解美国外交政策的战略走向。《2006年美国国家安全战略报告》的出台, 为我们了解小布什政 府未来的外交政策走向, 提供了一个观测窗口。     

美国国家安全战略综述

美国国家安全战略是其防务政策和外交政策的总和。尽管在冷战的相当长时间内美国没有正式的国家安全战略文件,但我们仍然可以从美国的防务政策和外交政策的变化中看出其国家安全战略的概貌。1986年,美国会通过《戈德尔特——尼科尔斯国防部改组法》之后,美总统每年向国会提交一份综合性的国家安全战略报告。由此,研究和了解美国国家安全战略有了更加可靠和完整的依据。     

大国关系夹缝中的蒙古国与北约

正蒙古国处于中俄两大邻国之间,特殊的地缘安全环境,决定了其要采取开放的、不结盟、等距离、全方位的"多支点"外交。2011年蒙古国政府颁布了新《外交政策构想》,进一步明确和肯定了其"第三邻国"外交,把它看作维护蒙古国独立、主权和安全不可或缺的一项重要内容。所谓"第三邻国"外交的本质,就是借助美、日、欧洲以及世界各强国的力量来平衡蒙古国与中国、俄罗斯的关系,使蒙古国家安全得到更强有力保障。①"第三邻国"处于动态和变化之中,随着国际形势的潮涨潮落和各国力量的此消彼长,任何一个对蒙古国能够产生影响的国     

俄罗斯的新亚洲政策

普京执政以来，融入西方的外交政策并没有取得预期成果，在这种背景下，普京意识到过分偏向西方的政策不符合俄罗斯国家的长远利益，俄国必须重视亚太国家。近两年，俄罗斯的亚太外交已经成为其强国战略的重要组成和平衡部分。     

How to Tame Your Dragon: An Evaluation of India's Foreign Policy Toward China

In the past 60 years, India-China relations have oscillated between friendship, hostility and indifference. In recent times, both countries have started competing for global economic gains and political status. In light of these events, the objective of this article is to analyze various strategies used by China against India, and India's policy response to these strategies. The article evaluates the process of foreign policy decision making in India, and traces the historical evolution of India's foreign policy towards China. It then deconstructs China's foreign policy towards India, and provides the rationale behind its strategies. The article suggests that after initial engagement with India on the question of boundary disputes, Chinese foreign policy has undergone a dramatic shift since 2007. It specifically evaluates the twin Chinese tactics of military incursions and denial of legitimacy to the Indian territories of Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh. Based on an analysis of China's previous boundary disputes resolution record with neighbors, these tactics are identified as an extension of China's new strategy for resolving such disputes. The article concludes by suggesting various policy options available to India to counter China's new strategy on the Sino-Indian border.     

试论汉语在泰国语言政策中的地位变迁

汉语是泰国的一门重要外语,在泰国经历了自由发展、被限制打压和当前的迅速发展几个不同阶段。本文旨在梳理不同历史时期汉语在泰国语言政策中不同地位的基础上,指出汉语在泰国语言政策中的地位变化与中泰关系的亲疏程度、汉语工具价值的高低、泰国华人国家认同的变化等因素有密切联系。     

中阿友谊源远流长,前景广阔

早在伊斯兰教创立及大阿拉伯帝国形成之前,中国就同阿拉伯地区有友好往来。新中国成立后,中阿关系是中国外交工作的一个重点。自20世纪50年代起,中国同阿拉伯国家陆续建立正式外交关系后,双方关系不断拓展。相似的经历和共同目标使中国同阿拉伯各国结成深厚友谊,双方无重大利害冲突,更多的是友好合作。中国人民视阿拉伯人民为好朋友、好伙伴、好兄弟。展望未来,中阿友好关系定将持续、稳定、深入地向前发展。     

China’s direct investment in the European Union: a new regulatory challenge?

While China is fast becoming an important outward direct investor, its companies are showing an increasing interest to locate in Europe and the European Union (EU). It has been suggested that this can partly be explained by the more lenient attitude of the European countries compared to the US, where some acquisitions were abandoned when they ran into political opposition based on security concerns. Yet, also in Europe, the media follow rather closely each new Chinese entry, and certain politicians have started to criticise the take-over of technology-oriented companies, especially by Chinese state-owned firms. Against the background of a very open foreign direct investment (FDI) policy as measured by OECD FDI Restrictiveness Index for the EU and the individual countries, an overview is given of the pre- and post-establishment obstacles to direct foreign investment. Also, the EU policy measures that directly or indirectly deal with incoming direct investment are discussed. Within the context of the EU competition policy and the merger regulation, the EU Commission has cleared five cases of take-over by Chinese state-owned enterprises. Although the Lisbon Treaty authorises the EU Commission to take charge of investment policy as part of the EU commercial policy, it will take time to realise this. If the announced negotiations about an investment treaty between China and the EU could work out the necessary balance, it would be an important step in achieving more reciprocity between their respective investment regimes.     

试析德国对卢旺达的发展援助

发展援助是德国外交政策的一极,既是推动和实现德国对非洲外交目标的重要工具,也强烈地塑造了德国的对非洲政策。作为世界最不发达国家之一,卢旺达在德国对非洲发展援助中占据了特殊的位置。20世纪60年代以来,德国对卢旺达发展援助主要经历了4个发展阶段,目前呈现出快速发展的势头。德国主要通过财政援助和技术援助促进卢旺达在医疗卫生、种族和解、政治发展以及经济改革等领域的建设。德国对卢旺达的援助,既有其显著的特点和优势,也存在明显的缺陷。中、德两国对卢旺达的援助存在很大差异。     

论中苏关系恶化对中国外交的影响

20世纪50年代末至60年代中苏关系的恶化不仅对中国的政治、经济发展产生了重大影响,而且对中国的外交也产生了重大影响。中苏关系恶化,首先导致了中国外交的战略调整;其次使中国外交日趋激进,并于60年代后期发展到极端;再次,促使中国发展与亚、非、拉国家的关系;最后,促使中国领导人下决心改善中美关系,联美反苏。     

The Foreign Policy Beliefs of Political Campaign Contributors

Since the Vietnam War, scholarly interest in public and elite opinion of U.S. foreign policy has grown. Because elites generally have greater access to policy makers and more consistent political views, most work on this topic has focused on elite opinions of foreign policy. Most research has defined the term elite broadly, often placing more emphasis on social status than political power. We will reexamine elite foreign policy beliefs using a different elite, presidential campaign contributors. We have two main goals in this article. First, we will assess the differences between the foreign policy outlooks of political campaign contributors and other elites. While many types of elites may influence policy, political contributors are particularly likely to gain access to policy makers. The second part of this research note offers some food for thought on the origins of these beliefs. We present evidence that foreign policy beliefs are related to the same ideological orientations that shape contributors' views on domestic issues. The origins of foreign and domestic policy views should probably be considered together.     

A Faustian bargain or just a good bargain? Chinese foreign direct investment and politics in Europe

This article explores the political challenges posed by the recent influx of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) into the European Union (EU), which has become in 2011 the top destination for Chinese investment in the world. The central political question facing European states welcoming the influx of Chinese capital is whether this is a good bargain—a positive-sum game where both investor and investee benefit—or instead a Faustian bargain—a zero-sum game in the long term where capital is accompanied by implicit conditionality affecting European norms and policies, from human rights to labor laws. The novelty of Chinese FDI has the potential to affect politics in Europe in three different venues: inside European countries, between European countries, and between Europe and third countries. This article, whose main goal is to launch a research agenda on the political implications of Chinese FDI, explores in turn its potential impact on foreign and domestic policy, institutional process within the EU, and transatlantic relations.     

The Construction of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Area: A Study of China's Active Involvement

The central argument of this paper is that China's economic diplomacy not only improves its political relations with ASEAN countries but also promotes regional economic co-operation and integration. This paper is organised into two parts. The first part starts with a review of Chinese foreign policy changes in order to show how Beijing adjusted its foreign policy to pursue its economic and political interests. It also examines China's political and institutional efforts to forge the coming Free Trade Area (FTA) with ASEAN. The second part studies China–ASEAN trade relations from three aspects: the adjustment of Chinese industrial structure, foreign direct investment to both sides and the formation of a production network with China at the centre. While difficulties and problems are unavoidable in the construction of CAFTA, with China's active efforts and the enhanced co-operation between China and ASEAN, the building of CAFTA is moving towards fulfilment.     

Shipowners,ports and diplomats: the political economy of Greece’s relations with China

The paper analyses Greece’s relations with China and highlights the crucial role of specific business interests in strengthening bilateral ties. Greek–Chinese political contacts, as well as trade, investment and touristic flows, have significantly increased in the last decade. The concession of the Piraeus port to the Chinese company COSCO was the major turning point for the relationship. The paper notes a strong influence of shipowning interests in Greece’s foreign policy decision-making system which has conditioned the development of Greek–Chinese relations.