德国对非洲援助政策评析

德国援助非洲已有50多年的历史,进入21世纪以来,德国对非洲援助政策有了新的发展和调整,主要表现在3个方面:强调平等伙伴关系和非洲自身的责任承担;倡导进行对非洲援助的国际合作;加大对非洲的文化援助.德国之所以调整援助非洲的政策,除对地缘政治和经济因素的考量以外,也受到非洲自身变化,以及新兴发展中国家实力增长的影响,根本目的还是为德国的国家发展战略服务,即增强德国作为一个大国的影响力.德国在具体落实援助政策方面面临国内预算、援助管理体制等问题的制约.此外,作为经合组织成员,德国对非洲援助也受到发达国家集体形象的影响.德国仍需付出巨大努力,才能塑造在非洲的独特援助形象.     

国际社会对非洲发展援助的比较研究——中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所卢旺达考察纪行

2010年2～4月,中国社会科学院西亚非洲研究所课题组①以国际社会对卢旺达发展援助比较研究为题,赴卢旺达进行了为期近两个月的调研。本次调研是国际合作研究的一次积极尝试,参加本次合作研究的还有来自德国发展研究所(German Development Institute)和卢旺达政策分析研究所     

非洲资金流入:现状、评估与展望

外部资金流入对非洲发展具有关键作用。非洲资金流入以外国直接投资和官方发展援助为主要形式。近年来,非洲吸收外国直接投资的总量呈增长态势,但总体规模较小、国别和行业分布不平衡、增长不稳定等特点十分鲜明。在为非洲提供官方发展援助方面,经合组织发展援助委员会成员国扮演着主要角色,中国、俄罗斯等国的地位在上升。官方发展援助与国民总收入的比例具有指标意义,往往决定着捐助国对接受国的影响力。促进资金流入非洲的国际机制业已形成,但还存在缺陷。从根本和长远的视角看,非洲发展应主要靠自身优势和不懈努力,实现经济持续快速发展。     

日本对非洲官方发展援助战略

对非洲官方发展援助战略是日本对非洲外交的重要组成部分。冷战结束后 ,非洲在日本外交中的地位有所上升 ,日本调整了对非洲官方发展援助战略。进入新世纪 ,日本对非洲外交呈现出积极的态势。日本从国家发展战略目标出发 ,对非洲进行了重新定位与评估 ,日本对非洲的政策调整主要是加强对非洲的经济援助 ,并以此为手段加强对非洲的影响 ,积极介入非洲政治 ,为日本国家利益服务。尽管日本对非洲官方发展援助战略客观上有利于非洲的减贫、疾病防治、教育、环境和卫生状况的改善 ;也在相当程度上促使非洲更多地参与全球事务 ,但是日本的内政外交强烈地反映了日美基轴路线的影响 ,再加上日本对非洲外交的实用主义特性 ,日本对非洲官方发展援助战略的作用仍将受到多方面制约     

印度对非洲的发展援助政策

本世纪以来,印度对非洲的发展援助迅速扩大,其援助对象和主要领域都经过优先选择,在援助手段上呈现出"柔性"特征,援助机构的整合也有所进展。印度扩大对非发展援助的主要目的是为了塑造全球大国形象,获取能源和开拓市场、扩大贸易,应对在非印度移民利益,以及同其他新兴大国竞争在非洲的影响力。在启动多项对非发展援助项目的背景下,印度对非战略意图取得了一定成效。但一些因素也制约着印度对非发展援助战略目标的实现。     

欧盟对非洲援助评析

在与非加太地区进行合作的框架下 ,欧盟对非洲的援助是其对外援助的重要组成部分。从《洛美协定》到《科托努协定》 ,欧盟对非洲的援助政策不断完善 ,范围不断扩大 ,总体呈现积极态势。尽管存在问题 ,尽管援助资金和效果还很有限 ,但在稳定的历史延续性和规范的法律、条约框架下 ,广泛的援助领域、项目及成功的案例表明了欧盟对非洲援助具有相对积极的成效。欧盟的援助毕竟缓解了非洲国家的困难和需求 ,欧盟援助对非洲发展的相对意义值得肯定。但非洲的落后并非仅仅靠援助能够解决问题 ,非洲的发展需要多方面的共同努力 ,根本上要靠非洲国家自身的努力。     

外援在非洲经济发展中的作用

由于历史和现实的原因,外部援助在非洲经济发展中占有重要地位.在非洲国家独立后,外部援助的数量逐步增加,1990年代后虽出现下降,但仍保持相当的规模.因此,外部援助在非洲国家的国民生产总值中占有较大的比重.由于非洲国家缺乏对外部援助的整体思考和有效协调,由于援助方与非洲政府、当地居民之间缺少沟通,对非洲的援助工作尚存在一些不尽人意之处.但是,外部援助毕竟给非洲带来了资金和技术,因此在不同程度上推动了非洲国家的经济发展.     

西方国家援助非洲新动向及其对非洲发展的影响

2005年上半年,围绕八国集团首脑会议的召开,西方国家推出了包括大规模减债、增加援助等援助非洲的新举措,凸显出对非洲发展问题的重视。西方国家关注非洲的发展,既与维护和拓展自身利益有关,也与非洲发展问题难以回避、国际社会增强危机意识、非洲国家联合自强的新形势关系密切。减债和援助有利于非洲朝着实现联合国新千年发展的目标迈进,但发达国家对非洲的援助与它们应承担的国际义务仍相差甚远,在调整对非洲发展关系重大与不合理的国际贸易体系方面,发达国家短期内难有实质性让步。非洲真正实现发展需要各方长期艰苦的努力。     

中国对非洲援助的“战略平衡”问题

对非洲援助是中非关系中的重要一环,既是中非关系的利益面,也是中非关系的责任面。在国际格局和国际发展援助潮流出现重大调整的背景下,中国面临提高对非洲援助的战略性,加强在非洲的软实力建设,以及拓展对非洲援助安全内涵等新挑战。当前中国对非洲援助面临五大"战略平衡"问题:援助国和受援国双重身份的平衡;国家利益和企业利益的平衡;不干涉内政和参与非洲内部事务现实需要的平衡;加强透明度和保持对非洲援助的主导权之间的平衡;双边与多边援助合作的平衡。未来对非洲援助战略应结合中国参与全球治理的总体战略,适时调整援外体制,满足对非洲援助的战略性要求,并将重点放在推介中国发展理念和经验上。     

全球化视野中的非洲:发展、援助与合作——兼谈中非合作中的几个问题

本文从发展、援助与合作3个方面探讨全球化视野中的非洲。从发展的角度看,非洲独立50年来在地区一体化、人权与边界稳定等方面所取得的成就不弱于欧美的历史,应多给非洲一些时间。在援助方面,中国援助非洲效果较好的原因在于援助理念——互相平等的态度与援助是双向的观点,而西方援助非洲不成功的主要原因也在于援助理念:高人一等的态度、附带的苛刻指标和有利于授援方而不利于受援方的条件。在全球化的条件下,资源生产国、消费国先到者和消费国后起者只有进行合作,才能实现共赢。     

Collective memory in Germany and the great foreign policy debate: the case of the European refugee crisis

Abstract

Embedded within the wider normalization–continuity debate about the nature of Germany’s actorness, this article assesses the impact of collective memory on German foreign policy during the European refugee crisis. The Federal Republic’s open-door policy in autumn 2015 bewildered many observers who saw it as a self-harming act of charity. Based on a three-stage empirical framework, the article argues that Germany’s initial behaviour cannot be understood without accounting for the influence that collective memory still exerts in Germany today. The open-door policy was irreconcilable with Germany’s immediate material interests, but instead shaped by collective memory-inspired humanitarian and European principles. This conclusion challenges the growing consensus among students of German foreign policy that Germany is becoming a normal actor which has freed itself from the constraints of the past and behaves in congruence with its material interests. This article seeks to make a timely contribution to the knowledge about collective memory in international relations, Germany’s foreign policy in the specific as well as wider context, and the dynamics of the European refugee crisis.     

The Declining Appeal of Diasporic Connections: African American Organising for South Africa,Haiti and Rwanda*

Throughout the 20th century, African Americans challenged US foreign policies towards Africa and the Caribbean. In the first half of the century diasporic connections, particularly shared oppression and ancestral ties, triggered responses. When the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), an informal organisation of African American congressional representatives, became the key architects of African American foreign policy in the early 1970s, civil rights tactics were wedded to diasporic appeals to motivate African Americans to help shift US foreign policy towards South Africa and Haiti. Diasporic ties, however, worked against a campaign on behalf of Rwanda. This article argues that black globality, a broader framework that encompasses diasporic connections as only one of many possible ties between African Americans and Africa and African diasporic communities, will better serve the CBC in its goal to move African Americans to act on foreign policy issues concerning Africa and African diasporic communities in the 21st century.     

De-Europeanization by Default? Germany's EU Policy in Defense and Asylum

Since the end of the Cold War and unification, Germany's policy toward and within the European Union (EU) has undergone significant changes. Once a model "Europeanist," Germany has become increasingly reluctant to support the progressive implementation of key projects of European integration. Neither an instance of a planned strategic change nor a result of an inevitable adaptation to structural shifts at the systemic level, these changes in German foreign policy, incremental yet significant as they are, evade both deterministic and voluntaristic accounts of foreign policy change. Integrating insights from foreign policy analysis, integration theory, and social theory, the article develops an innovative framework for analysis that is applied to Germany's European asylum and refugee policy as well as its security and defense policy. The origins of both policy fields at the European level can be traced back to initiatives that were supported by or even originated in Germany. However, as the 1990s progressed Germany increasingly obstructed further institutionalization. While in the field of asylum and refugee policy the Amsterdam summit marks a clear turning point in Germany's position, the transformation of German policies on European security and defense proceeded rather as an incremental decrease in material support, aggravating substantive progress in the policy field more broadly. An unanticipated consequence of earlier initiatives, in both cases Germany has found it increasingly difficult to live up to the expectations it has helped to raise.     

Using Rwandan traditions to strengthen programme and policy implementation

Implementing change is far harder than making policy pronouncements that call for change. Rwanda, in the 20 years since the 1994 genocide, has made substantial progress in turning around its economy and in meeting key Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Real GDP in Rwanda grew at a rate of over 8% per year in the past years, the percentage of the people living in poverty has dropped by 14%, and UNDP reports that Rwanda is on track to meeting many but not all MDGs by 2015. Rwanda's progress in economic and social spheres stands out in Africa, where many countries, despite commitments to the MDGs, lag behind on performance. The difference in Rwanda is the leadership's attention to implementation, and the incorporation of endogenous practices, particularly into planning and accountability. This article is based on observations of practice at national and community levels and of policy design and implementation. It is a by-product of a study of the impact of different approaches to community health delivery systems in Rwanda, completed as part of the author's doctoral dissertation, and also of the author's experience working within the government in Rwanda.     

From Natural Mediator to Junior Partner: Perceptions and Self-Perception in West Germany’s Diplomatic Conferences on Africa, 1959–1968

This analysis finds basis largely on the protocols of the three West German diplomatic conferences held in Africa in 1959, 1962, and 1968. It scrutinises the idea, advanced by part of Bonn’s foreign policy élite at the end of the 1950s, that the Federal Republic of Germany had a “special mediatory role” to play between the West and Africa in the age of decolonisation. The Federal Republic played a significant indirect role, especially on the economic side, in keeping Africa tied to the West after the end of colonialism. However, because of its exposed political situation in Europe, it was never in a position to pursue a real mediating effort in Africa’s decolonisation conflicts, therefore limiting its ambitions to that of “junior partner” of the former colonial Powers in the second half of the 1960s.     

The Berlin Republic,Iraq, and the Use of Force

This article holds that German security policy and attitudes towards the use of force remain framed by the distinct strategic culture that emerged during West Germany’s rearmament and international rehabilitation in the 1950’s. This strategic culture, characterised by strong anti-military sentiment and a commitment to multilateral diplomacy and international law, determined Germany’s position over Iraq and its ongoing opposition to the US-led invasion of the country. However, the strength and highly vociferous nature of Germany’s opposition to US policy also indicated that German strategic culture is itself evolving, as both elites and society reconsider aspects of German national history and the role of collective memory. Much of this new discourse relates to the notion of the ‘Berlin Republic’, which in foreign and security policy terms is synonymous with the emergence of greater self confidence, the introduction of more ‘national’ vocabulary into foregin policy statements and a less reflexive attitude to transatlantic security.     

印度对非洲的软实力外交及经验借鉴

面临着冷战后国际形势的变革,印度的外交观念、外交方式也发生了相应的调整。印度在制定对外政策时愈加重视软实力的作用,这在对非洲关系中得到了明确体现。印度通过实施经济援助、加强教育文化交流、促进与非洲国家的军事合作以及支持非洲在国际体系中的合法权益等方式极大促进了双边关系发展。非洲在中国对外战略中具有重要地位,我国应积极借鉴印度对非洲软实力外交经验以促进中非关系发展。     

Domestic politics,news media and humanitarian intervention: why France and Germany diverged over Libya

The European Union member states split over the military intervention in Libya with France, Germany and the UK voting differently in the United Nations Security Council. This article compares news media in France and Germany to better understand the foreign policy decisions of these key actors. Using a newspaper analysis of 334 articles, it shows that the German domestic debate started very late and was much less stable than the French debate. This supports arguments that Germany's decision-making was erratic. The analysis, however, also shows that the German debate was comprehensive and included an extensive discussion of the legitimacy of intervention. This fits in well with the traditional reluctance of German foreign policy elites to support military action.     

Development policy and the democratic peace in Sub-Saharan Africa

The contention that ‘democracies do not ?ght one another’ has gained widespread acceptance in the discipline of international relations, as well as among policymakers and international institutions. In the post-Cold War era, this contention has formed part of the justi?cation for making development assistance conditional on democratic reforms in recipient countries. This article explores the democratic peace thesis in relation to Sub-Saharan Africa, and argues that the relationship between peace and democracy is much more complex than commonly allowed for in conventional liberal analyses. Contemporary development policies that are intended to promote peace, democracy and stability are frequently implicated in the production and continuation of con?ict. Accordingly, the article contends that many of Africa’s conflicts and so-called ‘failed states’ are best understood in light of policies inspired, in part, by the principles of the democratic peace thesis. The argument is illustrated with reference to four countries on the African continent: Côte d’Ivoire, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Zambia.     

Fresh Thinking on U.S. Engagement with Africa: Probing the Limits of Engagement

The Biden administration faces the opportunity to reset U.S. policy towards Africa and possesses a variety of tools to use in doing so, including traditional diplomacy, economic statecraft, development assistance, and military engagement. With the increased militarization of U.S. foreign policy over the past few decades, there is an unfortunate tendency to default to military engagement when confronted with even remote threats to U.S. national security interests, and Africa is no exception. With vital security interests in Africa, it can be argued that military engagement should be limited in its application and targeted to those situations that do not lend themselves to solution through traditional diplomacy or development assistance.