民族建设、国家转型与欧洲一体化

文章介绍了罗坎的"中心构成"理论和巴尔托里尼的"系统程序"理论,利用这些理论分析了欧洲民族建设与国家建设这两个不同的历史进程对民族国家领土空间中各种"中心"和"系统"的不同贡献,讨论了这些"中心"和"系统"在欧洲一体化进程中的不同表现形式,进而指出:民族国家中的经济和法律等机制来自于国家建设历程,它们遵照功能性规律向欧盟层面转移;民族国家中的社会文化等机制来自于民族建设历史,它们根据民族性逻辑而滞留在民族国家层面;受到民族和国家两种力量双重推动的经济社会机制则在民族和国家"错位"的情况下被置于肢解的状态,转移的只是其中功能性的部分。欧洲一体化因此表现出一种"犬牙交错的国家转型"进程。     

一体化、话语权与代议制:当代欧洲民粹现象的三维视角

随着英国"脱欧",欧盟的一体化进程出现了重大倒退,但是,当代欧盟国家的民粹危机不能简单地理解为欧洲一体化引起的不适或是全球化失意者的反抗。反一体化的民粹思潮揭示出欧洲一体化进程中严重的不平衡以及现代西方代议制民主在全球化与新媒体时代面临的严重合法性危机;具体可以归纳为三个方面:其一,欧洲一体化过程中劳资平衡的解体;其二,冷战结束后意识形态的"终结"带来了话语的贫困;其三,"欧洲一体化"造成的代议制民主下精英统治的合法性危机,而新媒体时代进一步加剧了这种精英统治的危机。这种危机的持续可能带来对代议制民主的深刻反动,既有可能使欧洲出现某种强人政治,也有可能让大众与精英在未来的政治过程中形成某种新的平衡。     

法国民族国家和民族观念论析

法兰西民族国家是长期历史演变的产物。大革命传统和共和主义理念奠定了当代法兰西民族国家的基石。在民族观念方面,法国与德国的分歧与历史文化差异有关,但也是欧洲大陆两大国政治博弈的产物。在法国,共和同化政策被视为进步和文明的表现。法国在社会文化模式和移民政策方面历来强调"大一统"和"共和原则",这主要是由于法国在世界上长期拥有的政治、经济和文化强国地位所决定的。然而,随着全球化的发展、欧洲一体化的深入、法国国际地位的下降,以及移民问题引发的社会危机,法国的民族国家观念、社会文化模式和民族认同受到了严重挑战。法国人不得不对法国的社会文化模式、法兰西民族认同,以及法兰西的前途进行重新思考。     

欧洲一体化欧洲一体化背景下的爱尔兰国家身份变迁

欧洲一体化对爱尔兰的国家身份产生了持久的深刻影响,为认识全球化、地区一体化进程中民族国家的身份变迁提供了重要的经验案例。爱尔兰的欧洲化进程与其现代化道路的探索相契合,带来了国家身份在国家形态、经济模式、社会治理、对外关系维度的重大变化。英国脱欧使爱尔兰国家发展再次面临关键历史节点,有助于爱尔兰民族摆脱历史上形成的对英国的心理依赖,成为爱尔兰潜在的"宪法时刻"和国家身份进一步变迁的契机,但也显示了其在参与地区一体化进程中借助"后民族国家"方案解决历史遗留的领土问题面临的复杂挑战。就该问题开展深入的跨学科研究不仅有助于拓展欧洲化研究在历史制度主义等领域的理论和实证研究议程,而且彰显了在更广义的欧洲学和全球化研究视野下国别研究和比较研究的学术价值。     

国族塑造与族群认同——二战后东南亚民族国家建构中的华族身份认同变化

东南亚华族的身份认同问题是二战后东南亚民族国家建构中的一个焦点问题.在东南亚现代民族国家的民族整合过程中,华族的身份由"华侨"、"海外华人"转变为"华人",这不仅仅是称谓的改变,其中包含了对他们政治身份、文化身份的重新定位.本文描述了华人身份转变过程中所遇到的重重困难,并从民族国家建构的理念来分析其中的原因;结合冷战后中国与东南亚国家关系的变化,探讨全球化进程中东南亚华族身份认同的新变化.     

欧洲文化多元主义:理念与反思

自2010年以来,文化多元主义在欧洲多个国家"被宣告"失败,深刻地反映了欧洲社会在文化多样性问题上厚此薄彼的态度——积极支持欧洲本土文化的多样性,却消极对待以移民群体为代表的非欧洲文化的存在;文化纠结是当代欧洲文化多元主义实践中的一种真实心态,折射出他们在国家与民族认同层面上的价值诉求;欧洲国家不应当仍旧把持"单一民族"国家的观念去治理和应对一个实际上已经"多民族化"的国家现实,"多元一体"应当成为未来国家与民族建构的指向。     

欧洲的国家转型及其政治图景——从欧洲民粹主义谈起

本文旨在从欧洲国家转型的角度分析当前欧洲民粹主义不断高涨的原因。纵观欧洲民粹主义的发展历史可以看出,其发展壮大的过程与欧洲福利国家制度的改革高度同步。1980年代欧洲各国推行的福利国家改革,在欧洲开启了新一轮的国家转型。在此过程中,"社会团结"观念下的"共识政治"和保障劳动者权益的社会机制受到侵蚀,在欧洲福利国家框架下实现的国家、市场和社会三者平衡向市场倾斜,国家为社会提供保护的能力被不断削弱,劳动者的社会权益被不断缩减,这是各类民粹主义政治力量日渐高涨的根本原因。这也印证了卡尔·波拉尼在其名著《大转型》中阐释的资本主义体系不可避免的"双向运动"。     

德国福利国家的自我校正

经过二战后的黄金发展阶段,德国福利国家模式曾被普遍认为是成功的经济和就业政策的代名词。但20世纪90年代以来,由于经济增长疲软、失业率不断增加,德国模式受到质疑。在全球化和欧洲一体化的外部压力以及国内经济和社会结构转型的内部压力下,具有传统社会保护色彩的德国福利国家模式正在通过进行现代化改革,从困境中寻求新出路。本文将剖析德国福利国家所面临的内外挑战,探讨德国福利国家进行自我校正的内容和方法以及校正过程中利益相关者之间的利益冲突,在此基础上对德国福利国家自我校正的发展方向做出判断。     

探寻主导研究议程的元问题与理论核心问题——欧洲一体化理论繁衍的历时与共时考察

国际关系理论流派的形成大体通过元问题的发现与早期认知以及理论核心问题的建构等环节实现。欧洲一体化理论的繁衍同样遵循了从元问题到理论核心问题的发展逻辑,其不同于主流国际关系理论流变的独特性,主要体现为该理论立足于多个相互交织的元问题与理论核心问题,由此促成了欧洲一体化理论的"过度繁殖"。就历时意义而言,欧洲一体化的理论繁衍主要根源于德国问题、共同体权能的扩张以及联盟制度的政治化等元问题,以此为基础建构的理论核心问题是和平秩序的建构、民族国家的命运、欧盟合法性危机以及联盟制度的效度等。从共时意义上理解,联盟与国家的关系构成了各流派共同的竞技场域,一体化进程中主导权的分配则成为不同学派相互砥砺的核心变量,由此造就了突出民族国家主导性的国家主义学派、主张联盟领导地位的超国家学派以及强调国家与联盟协调共治的跨国家学派。整体而言,欧洲一体化理论面临的主要问题是理论中观化导致的碎片化,其根源在于缺乏相对统一并能够主导整体性研究议程的元问题与理论的核心问题。     

欧盟为什么需要民族国家?——兼论欧洲一体化的理论误读

近年来,欧洲一体化进程遭遇了民族主义的回潮。是什么力量在维系欧盟成员国内部的民族主义?一体化的超国家理念经历了三代人的论证、传播、普及并实质性地弱化了边境、统一了货币之后,为什么还是没有"驯服"早就被宣布要退出历史舞台的民族主义?本研究从大卫·米特兰尼提出功能主义路径的历史背景入手,指出欧洲一体化从未获得过消灭民族国家、实现深度政治融合的理论保证。从根本上而言,功能主义路径指导下的一体化未能替代民族主义和民族国家的三项基本政治功能:一是确保相当范围内的政治团结;二是维持福利国家的道德前提;三是共识的再生产。欧洲一体化在过去半个多世纪中的成功有赖于民族国家提供的政治根基,对民族国家的超越难以在缺少功能替代的前提下发生。     

从文化共同体到后古典民族国家:德国民族国家演进浅析

长期封建割据造成德国民族国家的形成晚于英、法等传统西方国家。其建立民族国家的路径是先有民族,后有国家。德国民族国家是建立在由血缘、历史、语言、文化等要素构成的"文化共同体"的基础上,这一文化共同体同时也构成了德国民族认同的核心要素。受到历史和地缘政治因素的影响,德国民族国家的发展道路较为特殊,这也决定了其融入西方过程的曲折与漫长。20世纪90年代,两德重新统一后,德国与其他欧盟成员国一样进入后古典民族国家形态,将主权部分地让渡给超国家共同体。德国民族国家目前需要解决的是欧盟治理结构中的"新德国问题"。     

Reconciliation and Political Legitimacy: The Old Australia and the New South Africa

In both Australia and South Africa a state-sponsored discourse of reconciliation has been deployed as a tool of national integration and state building. This usage has tended to encourage a politics of selective memory that runs contrary to the spirit of reconciliation as recognition of different views of the nation. This article seeks to recover (and promote) a more positive concept of reconciliation by treating it as a discursive, democratic space in which different versions of the national story can be acknowledged and negotiated. The cases of Australia and South Africa are used in a mutually illuminating way to explore what "telling the truth" about the past might mean and how such "truth-telling" might help restore legitimacy to liberal states confronted with a "broken moral order".     

Auf dem Weg in eine europäische Gesellschaft?

After half a century of European integration it is legitimate to ask if, how and in how far a ?European society“ has emerged. But how is this difficult notion to be conceptualized? What is European, what denotes society? Following the distinction of unity and difference, this article sets out to discuss the analytical options of the perspective of unity (the model of the nation state, the United States of Europe, a reality sui generis) and of difference (the ?other“ of Europe by comparing Europe to the regions of the world). According to the main thesis, European society denotes a reality sui generis, i.e., is an emergent phenomenon which can neither be conceptualized by the old model of the nation state nor the new notion of world society. European society should be characterized according to its leitmotif of structured diversity, its cultural and historical legacies, its logic of institutional separation and differentiation and its common basic institutional infrastructure. European society, therefore, rests upon a shared historical community of fate and exhibits a multiple unity of economy, work, education, solidarity, law, religion and culture. The engine of Europeanization is the European Union which together with nation states and regions fosters a veritable pressure of convergence upon the European space. Given its taken-for-granted character, the European society is half latent, half manifest, half empirically traceable and analytically conceivable, half normatively desirable or controversial.     

The New Europe: a Federal State or a Confederation of States?

In its search for new forms of federal arrangements appropriate to its contemporary situation, Europe is again at the cutting edge in developing new political arrangements for the postmodern epoch. With the collapse of Westphalian statism, those new arrangements are perforce federal, but not in the manner of modern federations. Instead they are postmodern confederations and various kinds of confederal arrangements. The European Union is rapidly becoming the model post-modern confederation, while other arrangements linking the states of contemporary Europe represent other forms of confederal arrangements. All fit into the spirit and form of globalization and are helping to provide economic globalization with a political and constitutional anchor. Several questions remain, however. How can the European Union become or remain federal rather than hierarchical in orientation, given the pulls of traditional European statism? How will the new confederalism accommodate the various arenas in existing European national state federations?     

The State in World History: Perspectives and Problems

This paper investigates the role of the state in world history and analyses some of the major issues confronting such an investigation with a particular focus on the relationship between the modern European state and the other historical forms of the state. Firstly it considers the problems raised by the fact that the terminology of state analysis is derived from a discourse that arose to explain the particularity of European state development. Secondly it considers the problem of the origins of the state. It examines two major issues: van Creveld's argument that only modern European states are real states and the chiefdom/state distinction. It argues that new political forms occurred both with the emergence of civilisation and the "state" in the ancient world and with the development of the modern European state after 1300. Thirdly it considers the issue of a typology of states through an examination of the model developed by Finer in his The History of Government . It argues that this model is only really effective in dealing with pre–modern political forms and that the modern European state needs to be understood as a deviant from the Eurasian norm of the agrarian empire.     

Die Politik der Grenze

The article deals with processes of demarcation as part of the process of Europeanization. It starts with a concept of borders and border control as central function of political systems and raises the question to which extent the European integration brings about a redrawing of territorial boundaries. First, it will be shown that the European integration is associated with a de-institutionalization of borders between the member states. Subsequently, it is argued that the removal of boundaries between the member states necessarily increases the importance of the external borders of the EU. The article describes and documents the role of the European Union in organising and coordinating a new emerging border regime. The last part discusses whether the macro-territorial borders of the EU resemble the borders of nation states. It is suggested that despite the tendencies to ?harden“ the external borders of the EU, these borders remain fuzzy and changeable, because the EU has developed a large number of forms of association and cooperation with neighbouring countries of the EU. In addition, due to the ?moving borders“ of the EU it seems rather unlikely that the EU-borders will ever become as rigid as nation state borders. The conclusion discusses the issue whether Europe can be seen as a forerunner of a new relationship between territory, demarcation and political order.     

“Nation” and “Europe”: Re-approaching the debates about Lithuanian national identity

Abstract

The article explores the historical roots of the contemporary debate about Lithuanian national identity. The analysis of the development of two major traditions of defining and positioning Lithuanian national identity in the international context sets out to introduce and explain the co-existing conservative and constructionist concepts of national identity that have been persisted throughout the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to Lithuania's relationship to Europe. In this way, the article contributes to the current debate about the destiny of national identity, the importance of which is increasing in countries preparing for European Union membership.

It is not easy to be a man and a Lithuanian, to stay faithful to oneself, one's nation and humanity.     

后苏联空间国家的政治-法律设计--从后苏联空间政权合法化到国家规划探索

苏联解体后,在后苏联空间国家突然拥有国家主权的条件下,新政治精英需要建立一个新的政治-法律空间。对这些国家而言,设计与现实相适应的政治-法律制度、建立稳定的国家体制、制定和实施有效的国家政策的过程过于拖延,前景令人质疑,而且即将面临政治代际更替的全新挑战。后苏联空间非常复杂,但也因此是研究和政治设计的重要地区。20多年的实践表明,不应期待后苏联空间的快速转型。大多数后苏联空间国家未完成国家建设和制度建设,这使形势复杂化,可能导致巨大的变数,包括冲突和诉诸武力。但是,外部环境仍逼迫变革。对于后苏联空间国家而言,变革具有政治理性化和政治制度形式化的目的,包括以法律形式固定政治制度和强制政治设计者更多地在正式法律范围内行事,而达到上述目的的选择包括革命性变革或"自上而下的革命"。