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1.
郑达 《南洋问题研究》2009,(3):67-76,82
马来西亚华商人数众多,发展道路曲折,是海外华商中最具代表性的一部分。改革开放以来,中国经济迅速崛起,吸引了来自世界各国的投资,其中相当一部分就是马来西亚华人资本。本文就马来西亚华商在中国投资的发展阶段、主要特点、存在问题及相应对策作一概要的探讨。  相似文献   

2.
本文论述马来西亚本土华商和外来华商①在马来西亚的经济活动.1970年马来西亚“新经济政策”实施后,本土华商尽管面对诸多限制与挑战,仍在多个经济领域表现优异.为应对2008年经济危机,马来西亚政府采取一系列措施吸引外资,尤其是来自中国的资金.此举虽将给马来西亚本土华商带来挑战,但本土华商应藉此契机加强与外来华商的合作关系,引领马来西亚经济进入新的发展阶段.  相似文献   

3.
进入21世纪,马来西亚经济稳定增长为本地华商的成长提供了较好的宏观环境,华商资本的绝对值不断增加,华族依然是国内拥有有限公司股权最多的族群。不过由于国有资本和土著私人资本的扩张,华商在国家经济中的地位呈下降趋势。华商大企业行业分布广泛,保有强大实力,整体素质进一步提升,但总体实力与官联、土著大型企业相比稍逊一筹。华商中小企业数量庞大,发展空间广阔,在马来西亚经济中扮演不可或缺的角色。  相似文献   

4.
一、东盟国家对华投资中的产业转移东盟国家对华投资较多的是新加坡、泰国和马来西亚,其次是印尼、菲律宾。投资领域从早期的农产品加工、纺织、服装、玩具、建筑材料、房地产开发、饭店,到近年来的基础设施、医药卫生、机械制造、金融、电力和海运等行业。尽  相似文献   

5.
80年代以来,中国和马来西亚经济关系中出现了许多新现象,其中之一是马来西亚企业家,跨越国界开始对我国进行直接资本投资。进人90年代以后,他们对我国投资增长速度加快。本文就马来西亚对我国的投资进程、规模、流向、原因、特点及对中、马经济的影响等问题,进行初步探索。一、马来西亚对我国投资的发展进程马来西亚资本对我国的投资,经历了从无到有,从小到大的发展过程,经过了起步,渐增和较快发展的时期。马来西亚资本对我国投资始于1984年。这一年马来西亚钢山有限公司(前身为梦乡控股有限公司),与我国有关机构合资60万美元(…  相似文献   

6.
80年代中后期,随着国际经济环境的变迁与台湾岛内投资环境的恶化,台湾进行了大规模的对外投资,马来西亚成为台湾最大的海外投资国之一,台资占马来西亚引进外资的第二位,在投资的带动下,双边的经贸关系日趋密切。一、台湾对马来西亚投资概况依据马来西亚工业发展局(MIDA)统计,至1997年10月,台商在马来西亚投资金额累计80.1亿美元,投资件数1501件,仅次于日本,居马来西亚外人投资的第二位。台湾对马来西亚的第一宗投资案,发生于1959年,但直至80年代中期,在台湾当局严格管制下,台湾对马来西亚的投资…  相似文献   

7.
本文从国家利益的角度,探讨冷战后马来西亚政府对华政策转变的原因。本文认为:马来西亚政府对华实施友好政策,目的是为了增进马中经济合作来满足本国经济对海外市场的需求,是为了寻求华人支持以巩固国民阵线的政治地位,以及在国际事务和与美国的外交斗争中寻求中国的支持。中国方面的积极互动,使马来西亚当时的国家利益得到很大程度的体现,并有效地促进马来西亚继续实施对华友好政策。  相似文献   

8.
马来西亚独立后,日本就一直是马来西亚重要的经济伙伴。战后很长一段时间,马来西亚对日本的开放程度和日本在马来西亚经济的影响力,是东盟乃至亚洲地区其他国家所不及的。日本和马来西亚经济关系的深化,既为马来西亚经济增长提供强大的动力,也增加了马来西亚对日本的依赖。21世纪初,马来西亚和日本的经济关系将以贸易和投资为主体,全力拓展其他经济领域的全方面合作,发展紧密的经济伙伴关系。  相似文献   

9.
2004~2013年,随着中国与马来西亚经贸关系的发展,两国投资合作得到全面发展。中资企业在马来西亚投资与经营取得了良好的效果,提升了企业的国际竞争力;同时也面临着一些问题和不足。  相似文献   

10.
王彬 《东南亚纵横》2010,(10):14-19
一直以来,东南亚华商,尤其是东南亚5国(新加坡、马来西亚、菲律宾、泰国、印度尼西亚)的华商对世界经济的发展起到了积极的促进作用。随着经济全球化浪潮的蔓延,东南亚华商企业几经波折,自20世纪末起频繁发生的各种危机,为东南亚华商的生存和发展带来了巨大的挑战。本文在进行资料收集和整理的基础上,以银行业为主要研究对象,对东南亚华商的经营状况进行实证分析,总结了影响华人银行发展的宏观因素,并对华商企业的未来发展进行简要探讨。  相似文献   

11.
郑一省  叶英 《东南亚》2011,(2):20-25
独立以来,马来西亚的华人和马来人之间形成了事实上的共生状态。马来西亚华人与马来人虽有族群间矛盾,但两者已基本上形成彼此忍让、相互共处的局面。这种共生态势,主要表现在两者在政治上合作、经济上渗透和文化上交流。共生态在马来西亚华人与马来人的关系中具有重要的意义。  相似文献   

12.
China's rapidly increasing demands for energy has been a subject for debate for years.To Chinese observers,the most important issue is how to safeguard energy supply and maintain economic growth.To most Western analysts,however,the more crucial issue is how Chinese energy policies and activities will affect world energy markets and world politics.One point is not in dispute: China's international energy activities,especially investment overseas,have been the main cause for international concern,causing a degree of unease outside China.  相似文献   

13.
20世纪中叶新马华人社会与华南互动之探讨   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文着重探讨新马华人社会的社会群体及经济组织在新马及华南的互动中所扮演的角色及依赖的基础,希望弥补以往研究新马华人社会与华南侨乡互动时只注重实际交往的不足,而进一步探讨这一实际交往的基础即无形的信息流动。另一方面,跨国社会联系又是建立在国家的基础上,因此希望能在探讨跨国社会网络的同时也回到国家层面,进一步揭示国家在网络发展中所起的作用。  相似文献   

14.
Chinese investment in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is booming. As China’s investment pattern has emerged so far, it appears to have little to do with Chinese firms’ preferences for liberal policy regimes, tolerance for corruption, or reliance on communist-era networks. This article documents the current size and shape of Chinese firms’ efforts to internationalize in this economic space, demonstrating an important difference between Chinese investment behavior in CEE and in the EU-15, namely the region’s much more active use of greenfield activity (and lighter use of M&A and strategic alliances). Case studies of each mode (greenfield, M&A, and strategic alliances) reveal little evidence of a “China, Inc.” approach and much evidence that Chinese firms are more motivated by market access than by technology or management assistance.  相似文献   

15.
东南亚华商在东盟地区的社会经济发展中具有重要的地位,与中国具有同文同种的优势,具备了在东盟和中国两地投资创业的成功经验,因而东南亚华商在中国—东盟自由贸易区的建设进程中独具优势,参与积极性也更高。随着中国—东盟自由贸易区建设的深入,东南亚华商在促进中国与东盟之间的双边贸易和双向投资,尤其是中国企业对外投资等方面将发挥重要作用。这将有利于加强中国与东盟国家间的全面友好关系,同时也为海外华侨华人自身提供更为有利的生存与发展环境。  相似文献   

16.
The rapid increase in Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) into Europe raises important questions about the implications of such for workers and organized labor in Europe: (1) does Chinese FDI flow more or less to regulated labor markets than do other investment sources?; (2) what are the strategies of works councilors and union representatives in dealing with real or expected investment from China?; and (3) how do individual workers view the propriety of Chinese FDI given China’s low-wage, labor-unfriendly profile in the global economy? Quantitative and qualitative data on Chinese FDI, individual opinions about China and globalization, and on strategies of labor representatives provide some leverage to preliminarily answer these questions. First, Chinese FDI does not seem to be more (or less) focused on investing in the least regulated labor markets than other sources of FDI. Second, interviews with works councilors and union representatives in Germany, France and the Netherlands affirm a cautiously optimistic view of Chinese investors as no more or less threatening to organized labor than other investors. Third, analysis of attitudes about Chinese and European interests in managing globalization suggest that less-skilled, more vulnerable, pro-labor-union workers in Europe tend to be more rather than less enthusiastic about Chinese management than their fellow citizens. These patterns suggest a surprising, if tentative, embrace by workers and their representatives in Europe of that investment.  相似文献   

17.
刘红 《东南亚纵横》2010,(11):97-101
在海外,马来西亚具有最完整的华文教育体系,这是马来西亚华人积极参与政治的功劳,近年来他们利用各种途径最大限度地维护华文教育的地位。在持续7年的反对数理英化运动中,以董教总为主的华人社团主要通过政治表达、政治接触等政治参与形态来维护华族子女接受母语教育和中华文化的权利。  相似文献   

18.
While China is fast becoming an important outward direct investor, its companies are showing an increasing interest to locate in Europe and the European Union (EU). It has been suggested that this can partly be explained by the more lenient attitude of the European countries compared to the US, where some acquisitions were abandoned when they ran into political opposition based on security concerns. Yet, also in Europe, the media follow rather closely each new Chinese entry, and certain politicians have started to criticise the take-over of technology-oriented companies, especially by Chinese state-owned firms. Against the background of a very open foreign direct investment (FDI) policy as measured by OECD FDI Restrictiveness Index for the EU and the individual countries, an overview is given of the pre- and post-establishment obstacles to direct foreign investment. Also, the EU policy measures that directly or indirectly deal with incoming direct investment are discussed. Within the context of the EU competition policy and the merger regulation, the EU Commission has cleared five cases of take-over by Chinese state-owned enterprises. Although the Lisbon Treaty authorises the EU Commission to take charge of investment policy as part of the EU commercial policy, it will take time to realise this. If the announced negotiations about an investment treaty between China and the EU could work out the necessary balance, it would be an important step in achieving more reciprocity between their respective investment regimes.  相似文献   

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