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1.
Recent criminological scholarship on penal history museums has shown how sites of popular culture tend to silence the voices of prisoners and present them in ways that legitimate the deprivation of their liberty. While representations that reinforce the penal status quo are observable at most Canadian penal history sites, there are outliers that situate imprisonment as a form of oppression, and account for prisoners’ struggles and resistance. Drawing on three case studies from a 5-year qualitative research project on Canadian lock-up, jail, prison and penitentiary museums, we discuss what critical punishment memorialization looks like in a context of penal intensification in Canada. We show how such critical representations depend on the historical contextualization of penality as a manifestation of colonialism and/or the incorporation of prisoners’ voices and standpoint. We argue that the critical representations and narratives at these museum sites open up possibilities for the social distance between penal spectators and the incarcerated to be diminished by bringing humanizing prisoner narratives into focus in an otherwise dark tourist space.  相似文献   

2.
《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(1):18-43
The last decade produced a revival in comparative penal research, most of which focuses on explaining aggregate-level changes in imprisonment rates. In this paper, we highlight the absence of women in this research and we shift the focus from aggregate imprisonment rates to women’s prison experiences, arguing that these experiences are the best indicators of the post-modern penal era. Using both survey and interview data, we examine women’s perceptions of control over their carceral lives in California, England, and the Netherlands. We find similar prison experiences explain perceptions of control across all three regimes, but regime differences ultimately produce very different outcomes for these women.  相似文献   

3.
Prison privatization has generally been associated with developments in neoliberal punishment. However, relatively little is known about the specific impact of privatization on the daily life of prisoners, including areas that are particularly salient not just to debates about neoliberal penality, but the wider reconfiguration of public service provision and frontline work. Drawing on a study of values, practices, and quality of life in five private‐sector and two public‐sector prisons in England and Wales, this article seeks to compare and explain three key domains of prison culture and quality: relationships between frontline staff and prisoners, levels of staff professionalism (or jailcraft), and prisoners' experience of state authority. The study identifies some of the characteristic strengths and weaknesses of the public and private prison sectors, particularly in relation to staff professionalism and its impact on the prisoner experience. These findings have relevance beyond the sphere of prisons and punishment.  相似文献   

4.
黄薇  陈珏 《犯罪研究》2014,(1):40-46
随着社会的不断发展和监狱押犯结构的变化,女性罪犯的狱内需求也在不断变化。按照需求理论,只有当激励措施满足于需求时,才能发挥其最大作用。根据在上海市女子监狱某监区进行问卷调查和数据统计,监区尝试探索女犯的改造需求,并优化已有矫正措施和手段,以此激发女犯本身的改造潜力,期望能够达到提高罪犯改造质量、减少重新犯罪率的目标。  相似文献   

5.
张丽 《政法学刊》2010,27(5):73-77
监狱是自由刑行刑的主要场所。基于刑罚的目的的二元性,监狱兼有惩罚与矫正的双重行刑目标。同时监狱行刑作为特殊的行政权力,具有被滥用的高危风险。为了完整实现行刑目的,保障服刑人员的权利,各国均对监狱的行刑权力设置了相应监督机制,对极易被滥用的行刑权力进行规制。在我国由于报应观念的深植和行刑个别化社会化色彩不强,尤需借鉴先进经验完善对监狱的监督,以确保罪犯改造的效果和行刑程序公正。  相似文献   

6.
This article examines the under-researched phenomenon of prisoner politicization in the United States and Canada, surveying a period between the prison turbulence of the 1960s to the current era of administrative control. The theoretical grounds for the concept of prisoner politicization are delineated, and a measure of politicization is constructed based on research undertaken at three British Columbia penitentiaries, involving direct interviews with prisoners. The decline of prisoner politicization over the past decade is related to innovative penal strategies that re-individualize prisoner orientations and discourage potential alliances between prisoners and non-prisoner activist groups.  相似文献   

7.
Research on the relations between the labor market and forms of punishment, inaugurated by Rusche, has developed along two lines, broadly speaking: first, the historical evolution of the links between the structure of the labor market and the structure of punishment and secondly, the conjunctural variations in admissions to prison and in prison populations with fluctuations in the employment situation. The present study is of the latter type. It stems from observations on two aspects of the French situation:
  • The concomitant long-term evolution (1875–1985) of curves for unemployment and for prison populations, given the downward trend in imprisonment rates until recent years.
  • The constant over-representation, among prisoners, of groups whose position on the labor market is insecure.
  • The link between unemployment and imprisonment was tested by multiple regression using data on economic, demographic, penal and correctional aspects (French figures, 1920–1985). The results show the participation of demographic factors in the variations in prison populations. They point to a significant correlation between variations in unemployment (in volume and rate) and the evolution of prison populations, all else being equal in terms of recorded crime. Analysis of the functioning of the criminal justice system, showing the existence of an internal subsystem characterized by its procedures — pretrial detention —, the offenses — street crime —, the sentences — imprisonment — and the social characteristics of those convicted, suggests an approach to the interpretation of these findings.  相似文献   

    8.
    中德(日)量刑基准之比较研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
    在德日刑法中,受责任主义的规制,责任为刑罚规定了前提和界限,基于预防方面的考量不能僭越责任程度所决定的刑罚。相比之下,中国现行刑法的量刑基准理论与之虽貌合实神离,因为作为其量刑基准的刑事责任的大小是社会危害性与人身危险性评价的加权之值。我国现行量刑基准理论实际上是现行刑事责任理论体系的逻辑延伸。欲求我国量刑基准理论在逻辑上更为科学合理,在价值取向上彰显现代刑法之人权保障机能,则必以改善现行刑事责任理论体系为前提。改造的重点在于纠正将责任评价与刑罚量定混为一体的做法,将之予以分离,使之各得其所。作为犯罪后果负担的刑事责任只能由犯罪的严重性程度来决定,人身危险性因素不能用于评价犯罪与刑事责任,而只能在刑罚最后量定时做有利于犯罪人更新改造之缓和考量。  相似文献   

    9.
    DAVID GARLAND 《犯罪学》2013,51(3):475-517
    The sociology of punishment has developed a rich understanding of the social and historical forces that have transformed American penality during the last 40 years. But whereas these social forces are not unique to the United States, their penal impact there has been disproportionately large, relative to comparable nations. To address this issue, I suggest that future research should attend more closely to the structure and operation of the penal state. I begin by distinguishing penality (the penal field) from the penal state (the governing institutions that direct and control the penal field). I then present a preliminary conceptualization of “the penal state” and discuss the relationship between the penal state and the American state more generally.  相似文献   

    10.
    11.
    This article examines legal and political developments in California in the 1970s and early 1980s that led to extreme changes in the state's use of imprisonment. It uses historical research methods to illustrate how institutional and political processes interacted in dynamic ways that continuously unsettled and reshaped the crime policy field. It examines crime policy developments before and after the passage of the state's determinate sentencing law to highlight the law's long‐term political implications and to illustrate how it benefited interest groups pushing for harsher punishment. It emphasizes the role executives played in shaping these changes, and how the law's significance was as much political as legal because it transformed the institutional logics that structured criminal lawmaking. These changes, long sought by the law enforcement lobby, facilitated crime's politicization and ushered in a new era of frenetic and punitive changes in criminal law and punishment. This new context benefited politicians who supported extreme responses to crime and exposed the crime policy process to heightened degrees of popular scrutiny. The result was a political obsession with crime that eschewed moderation and prioritized prison expansion above all else.  相似文献   

    12.
    The Danish prison system is recognized worldwide as a model incorporating the most progressive principles of punishment. This article is the result of the author's research in Denmark undertaken to clarify the foundations of Danish penal philosophies. Findings suggest that penal practices are the outcome of a complex interaction of social and criminological theories. Formulated in an atmosphere that minimizes the emotionalism and politicization of crime, Danish crime control policies represent a pragmatic and reasoned approach to dealing with criminal offenders. Prison conditions reflect the social and political attitudes regarding the causes of crime and the treatment of marginal citizens.  相似文献   

    13.
    假释本质研究——兼论假释权的性质及归属   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
    柳忠卫 《中国法学》2004,(5):112-119
    假释是一项历史悠久的刑罚执行制度,但刑法理论对假释的本质至今尚未形成统一的认识。在当代,假释已从一种国家对个别罪犯的恩惠演变成罪犯普遍享有的一种权利,是罪犯在自由刑执行过程中保持良善行为的结果。因而,在关于假释本质的各种学说中,假释权利说是合理的。假释权利说是以现代刑法思想为指导的对假释本质的全新的诠释,是国家对罪犯刑罚观念和关系的嬗变在假释本质理论上的具体反映。由假释的本质所决定,假释权应是一种行政权而非司法权,假释权应由行政性质的狱政部门或专门的假释委员会行使。  相似文献   

    14.
    OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this study is to determine demographical characteristics leading to crime recidivism and define anger levels and anger expression manners for those who re-commit crime. METHOD: All the literate inmates in Izmit Closed Penitentiary were included in this cross-sectional study. The prisoners were asked to respond to State-Trait Anger Expression Inventory. Their socio-demographic data were collected and a questionnaire was given to them to determine their state of imprisonment, sentence, nature of the crime in which they were involved, their criminal history, their relationship with inmates and prison staff and substance and alcohol use. RESULTS: Of the 438 prisoners, 302 (68.9%) responded to the questionnaires. Crime recidivism among the study cohort was observed to be 37.4%. Mean trait anger, anger out and anger in scores were significantly higher in prisoners with criminal recidivism in comparison with those who did not have prior criminal records. However, mean anger control scores for prisoners with or without criminal recidivism were similar. Unemployment, education level completed at secondary school or below, having committed a crime under the influence of alcohol or narcotics, having been involved in prison fights, having resisted police officers, caused damage in their vicinity when angry and violent crimes were all found to be possible causes of criminal recidivism. Educational level completed at secondary school or below, getting into fights with other prisoners, unemployment and resisting police officers were determined to be the strongest indicators to predict criminal recidivism when all variables were considered according to a logistic regression model. CONCLUSION: It can be proposed that those who have problems with officials or hostile towards others constitute a risk group for criminal recidivism. If prisoners with criminal recidivism can be helped to identify and control their anger, their risk of committing a new crime can be minimised.  相似文献   

    15.
    Objective: The purpose of this study is to determine demographical characteristics leading to crime recidivism and define anger levels and anger expression manners for those who re-commit crime.Method: All the literate inmates in zmit Closed Penitentiary were included in this cross-sectional study. The prisoners were asked to respond to State-Trait Anger Expression Inventory. Their socio-demographic data were collected and a questionnaire was given to them to determine their state of imprisonment, sentence, nature of the crime in which they were involved, their criminal history, their relationship with inmates and prison staff and substance and alcohol use.Results: Of the 438 prisoners, 302 (68.9%) responded to the questionnaires. Crime recidivism among the study cohort was observed to be 37.4%.Mean trait anger, anger out and anger in scores were significantly higher in prisoners with criminal recidivism in comparison with those who did not have prior criminal records. However, mean anger control scores for prisoners with or without criminal recidivism were similar. Unemployment, education level completed at secondary school or below, having committed a crime under the influence of alcohol or narcotics, having been involved in prison fights, having resisted police officers, caused damage in their vicinity when angry and violent crimes were all found to be possible causes of criminal recidivism. Educational level completed at secondary school or below, getting into fights with other prisoners, unemployment and resisting police officers were determined to be the strongest indicators to predict criminal recidivism when all variables were considered according to a logistic regression model.Conclusion: It can be proposed that those who have problems with officials or hostile towards others constitute a risk group for criminal recidivism. If prisoners with criminal recidivism can be helped to identify and control their anger, their risk of committing a new crime can be minimised.  相似文献   

    16.
    Because of the intrinsic relativity of social tolerance toward crime, the rate of punishment that a given society inflicts on its criminals is expected to remain relatively constant over the long term, in spite of social changes and increasing or decreasing crime rates. This paper reconstructs the penal behavior of Montreal's criminal justice from 1845 to 1913 and finds that the stability hypothesis, all things considered, works quite well and has much heuristic value. Three problems, somewhat bypassed in the existing literature, are dealt with here: the reliability of penal statistical time series, the direct empirical evidence of stabilization processes, and a rather crude way of measuring prison punishment. It is suggested, furthermore, that the stability hypothesis include in its future argument the impact of increasing policing and that it be confined tentatively to modern western societies.  相似文献   

    17.
    吴锦标 《法学论坛》2005,20(4):125-127
    行政处罚与刑事处罚立法上的衔接包括内容上的衔接和形式上的衔接。内容上的衔接要解决好二者的适用范围和协调二者的处罚轻重两个问题;形式上的衔接主要是指行政处罚法中附属规定的刑事罚则,如何与刑法典及其它刑事规范相衔接的问题。建立行政刑罚制度不仅是必要的而且也是可行的。  相似文献   

    18.
    This paper provides an overview of an emerging and important trend in modern penality, the punishment of persistent offending. It argues that what lies behind this new development is a merger of the right to protection (itself an overarching theme of penal policy) and the implications for risk management of shifting political rationalities in the last two decades.  相似文献   

    19.
    Turkey initiated a major reform in its criminal justice system in 2005 and a probation system was officially created. This article analyses the probation policy formation, and development processes in Turkey using a multiple streams framework (MSF), as theorised by John Kingdon. Qualitative method is employed through archival records, governmental documents, and semi-structured interviews with key actors. Findings suggest that MSF explains the evolution of the probation system, which emerged in a critical time. However, although the probation system was set up to overcome the increasing prison population and alternative to incarceration, the number of prisoners and probationers have increased significantly. Today, Turkey has been ranked one of the largest prison population in the world. It is concluded that the penal policy has led to unintended consequences, and the penal system including probation practices has been dramatically politicised by the government.  相似文献   

    20.
    This article revisits a crucial episode in the early nineteenth century criminal law reform debate: the appointment and report of the 1819 House of Commons select committee on capital punishment. This committee, which helped shape the reforms of the 1820s and 1830s, has traditionally been interpreted as the result of the campaign for penal reform in parliament over the preceding decade. This article argues that its origins and significance can only be understood by reference to the political circumstances of 1819 and the scandal surrounding the crime of forgery. This contextualized reading suggests new ways of approaching and understanding the early nineteenth century penal reform discourse.  相似文献   

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