论情商对犯罪心理和行为的影响

情商是个体对情绪的控制能力。低情商通过影响个体的认知、气质、性格、人际交往等催化其形成反社会的人格品质,且对犯罪心理和动机具有激化作用。在犯罪人实施犯罪过程中,情商高低直接影响其在犯罪现场的行为表现。剖析情商对犯罪心理的作用特点,有利于更深层次地认识犯罪心理的产生、形成及变化规律,为揭露、打击犯罪提供帮助。     

短信诈骗犯罪行为的心理剖析及防治

短信诈骗犯罪具有多样性、高科技性、隐蔽性、团伙性、低成本性等行为特征,从心理结构上分析,主要是犯罪人具有强烈的物欲和贪利动机,并与受害人具有互动性,智力水平高、意志力强,法律意识淡漠、缺乏道德感,团伙犯罪意识较强等心理罪因。应适当加大刑事处罚力度,强化刑罚的正面心理效应;提高适用刑罚的及时性和确定性,消除犯罪人的侥幸心理;排除和减少主体外环境中的消极因素,防止该种犯罪心理的形成,并强化对犯罪者的心理矫治,达到防治效果。     

西方主要理论流派的犯罪心理成因分析

在西方犯罪学领域，职业犯罪学家们往往分为不同的思想和观念派别。每个理论流派都有自己的犯罪观，对犯罪心理成因的研究林林总总。本文以辨证唯物主义思想为指导，从动态的角度试着对几个西方重要理论流派的犯罪心理成因理论进行总结和分析．其中并没有包括现代犯罪生物学理论和犯罪心理学理论。对这些犯罪心理成因理论的整合，有助于我们汲取他们各自的精华。扬弃各自不舍理成分，加深对犯罪心理成因的理解。     

运用心理画像预测犯罪的可行性构想与发展困境

犯罪心理画像理论不仅可以应用于犯罪后的侦查破案中,还可以根据犯罪心理画像三大外显反应——行为、表情、语音——识别预测犯罪活动。梳理目前已有的行为识别、表情识别、语音识别研究成果,探讨运用心理画像识别预测犯罪的可行性,对如何运用行为、表情、语音识别犯罪活动进行图文式详解,有利于加强犯罪心理画像在犯罪预防领域应用的论证,不断完善充实犯罪心理画像理论,以便更好地运用于当今社会。当然,目前运用心理画像预测犯罪依旧存在制度难题、技术难题、道义难题等问题有待攻克。     

青少年犯罪心理成因研究综述

青少年犯罪问题在转型阶段的中国社会日益凸显,在总结归纳青少年犯罪心理特征的基础上,重点回顾了国内外对青少年犯罪心理成因的理论分析研究。从心理学多层面分析总结青少年的犯罪成因,这对于预测与预防青少年犯罪具有显著的理论和现实意义。     

青少年犯罪心理成因及矫正的研究

青少年犯罪是一大社会问题，本文综述了国内青少年犯罪心理的特点、类型，并对其成因作了分析介绍。旨在对青少年犯罪心理成因及矫正方法进行探讨研究，为加强青少年心理健康教育和预防矫正其犯罪心理提供依据。     

论当前在校大学生侵财犯罪心理形成的原因

近年来,受各种因素的影响,在校大学生犯罪现象引人关注,尤其是侵财犯罪急剧增加,成为我们必须面对的课题。然而,对这方面犯罪心理研究的内容不是很多,本文从我国现阶段大学生侵财犯罪心理的特点,社会环境因素、不良文化因素、学校、家庭以及大学生自身等方面,对大学生侵财犯罪心理形成的原因进行系统的分析,以期对防控大学生侵犯财产犯罪有所帮助。     

几例异常犯罪动机之分析

异常动机犯罪原因复杂 ,犯罪人的犯罪心理和犯罪行为表现独特。因对此类犯罪的理论和实践研究较少 ,人们对其了解不多 ,不利于司法实践的应用。本文试图通过对尝试、无辜对象报复、嫉妒、性变态等几例典型的异常动机犯罪的分析 ,管窥其犯罪动机形成的心理过程、行为特点 ,期望引起人们的研究兴趣。     

变态心理及佯狂性精神病的犯罪心理与行为差异

变态人格和精神病是广义的变态心理的两种表现 ,佯狂性精神病则是主体出于某种动机而伪装的精神病。变态人格、精神病和佯狂性精神病在犯罪心理和行为方面具有质的差异 ,这种差异是区别三者有无刑事责任能力的重要依据。正确认识和把握三者之间的不同表现 ,有利于我们准确有效地识别犯罪和打击犯罪 ,也有利于对特殊行为人的正当保护。     

犯罪心理测试的系统构建

犯罪心理测试的系统构建主要包括测试主题的确定、测试结构的构建、测试结论的综合推导等核心内容。这三个方面是犯罪心理测试的基本构架,确定测试主题、构建测试结构是综合测试结论的前提和基础,综合测试结论是确定测试主题、构建测试结构的目的和归宿。本文在汲取国外(如美国、日本)成熟犯罪心理测试理论和做法的基础上,对国内近20年犯罪心理测试的发展进行了概括,系统地阐述了犯罪心理测试的构建。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.