论我党巩固意识形态合法性问题——以葛兰西文化领导权理论为视角

葛兰西作为近代西方马克思主义的早期代表,创造性地将国家统治分为"政治统治权"和"文化领导权"。"文化领导权"即统治者通过政党、教会、学校等社会团体,将符合其利益需求的价值观念以大众文化影响、渗透到大众意识中,来取得大众对执政党执政理念、主导文化价值的认同。获取文化领导权对于获取和巩固执政党的意识形态合法性具有重大意义。鉴于社会转型、西方"和平演变"及网络媒体的发展,马克思主义主流意识形态核心地位在我国正遭受冲击。建设中国特色社会主义文化,掌握文化领导权,是目前我党巩固意识形态合法性的重要途径,是获取执政合法性的重要资源。     

执政党执政有效性的多维透视及立体构建

有效性作为合法性的重要铱托，在政党主导现代化的进程中已成为最重要的合法性资源。其内涵从执政党建设的视角透视，包括价值、组织、制度、过程、结果五个层面。执政的有效性是多种因素的综合体。因此，执政有效性的构建需具有立体性思维，努力做到执政党的自主化、执政基础的自治化、执政党整合功能的完备化、执政文化的科学化。     

有效性视野下的政党执政逻辑透视

有效性作为合法性的外在逻辑,在政党主导现代化的进程中已成为最重要的合法性资源.从执政党建设的视角透视,其内涵包括价值、组织、制度三个层面.执政有效性的立体构建需要做到:执政党的自主化；执政基础的自治化；执政功能的整合化；执政文化的科学化.     

转型期执政党合法性的价值取向及重构路径

执政党合法性指的是民众对执政党的拥护、支持与认同.转型期执政党合法性的价值取向发生了变迁,和谐、民主、法治、绩效、创新和人本成为转型期执政党合法性的基本价值取向.基于这些价值取向,应从提高执政的有效性、创新和发展意识形态、健全和完善相关制度、加强群众和舆论监督以及提升公民政党社会化程度等路径重构转型期执政党合法性.     

以先进性建设构筑党的执政合法性的意识形态基础

由于政党的历史执政地位仅仅是其执政合法性的来源之一,执政党的绩效基础又具有易变性,所以,扩大与巩固执政党执政合法性的意识形态基础意义尤显突出。中国共产党在新时期开展的先进性建设,是一项长期而艰巨的系统工程,它不仅有利于扩大党执政合法性的广泛基础,也是重建与巩固其意识形态基础的重要举措。     

国外执政党意识形态的困境与启示——基于政治合法性视角的分析

执政党在利用政治合法性资源过程中,意识形态是不可或缺的要素。环顾全球,大多数政党执政以后在意识形态上普遍遇到各种各样的合法性困境,执政合法性受到冲击,有的政党甚至丧失了执政地位。我们要跳出传统的非此即彼的思维方式的误区,从国外执政党意识形态困境中解析出意识形态建设的一般规律,这是中国共产党避开意识形态合法性陷阱的关键。     

论利益分化与合法性难题

改革开放以来,利益分化对增强党执政的合法性基础产生了积极影响,为增强党执政的合法性基础提供了重要资源和重要途径.但利益分化也给政党合法性带来一定难题,比较突出的有价值认同难题、利益均衡难题和风险频发难题等.增强党执政的合法性基础需要加强对利益关系的整合,中国共产党对社会利益关系的整合,主要通过四种方式进行,即政策供给、总揽协调、价值引导和组织整合.     

延安时期党的执政合法性资源探析

政治合法性是民众对执政党掌握公共权力的政治认同.延安局部执政时期,中国共产党在意识形态、法理、绩效、民主以及情感方面积累了重要的执政合法性资源,其对建国后在全国执政及进一步探索党的执政规律、巩固党的执政合法性基础具有重要的借鉴意义.     

党的执政合法性与社会矛盾调处

正确认识和积极处理社会矛盾是执政党必须履行的职责,是关系其执政合法性的重大问题.积极调处社会矛盾有利于优化党执政的合法性要素及其关系,有利于提高业绩认同、主体认同和价值认同.从当前我国社会矛盾调处的客体、主体以及工作机制等方面看,迫切需要加强社会矛盾的调处.积极调处社会矛盾增强党执政的合法性是一项系统工程,其中,发展是基础,统筹兼顾是根本,关注民生是关键,建立健全的机制是保证,提高领导干部调处社会矛盾的意识和能力是重点.     

依法执政:现代政治合法性对执政方式的必然要求

合法性对任何政治体系都是最为重要的政治资源,执政党的地位与效率往往取决于其合法性状况。在现代民主社会的背景下,执政党合法性有赖于意识形态与执政的有效性,同时在执政方式上依法执政的选择也是执政党合法性的重要来源。     

老年人生活质量指标体系的构建设想

老年人的生活质量问题 ,不仅需要从理论上进行严格界定与阐释 ,而且需要从量化研究上加以具体描述与分析。依据老年人对生活需求的基本性质 ,老年人生活质量的量化指标可以分为三类 :物质生活类质量指标、精神生活类质量指标和社会生活类质量指标 ,并由此构成完整的质量指标体系。对量化后的老年人的生活质量指标 ,尚需要作进一步的评价与相关技术测定分析 ,方能对老年人生活质量的某一水平及其差异提出有科学依据的结论与说明。     

The Politics of the Lisbon Strategy: The Changing Role of the Commission

This article examines the politics of the Lisbon strategy before and after its major watershed reform in 2005, with particular attention to the role of the European Commission. Operating in an ambiguous partial delegation of power, the Commission changed from performing a strong administrative role in the 2000–04 period to performing a political role after 2005. The institutional analysis of this article combines contextual factors and internal factors for explaining this variation. The findings reveal that although internal factors play an important part in explaining change, they are highly related to contextual factors. More precisely, the ability of the Commission to unfold actively its ideological and normative leverage and unfold specific forms of procedural leverage after 2005 is highly related to the member states' decision to clarify the formal division of tasks between them and the Commission. In other words, situations of procedural ambiguity are not necessarily to the advantage of the Commission, since it does not invariably have the ability to use this ambiguity in its favour.     

The margins of the law

Realism may strill be the dominant theory in international relations. Nevertheless serious rethinking has been called for from various perspectives during the last decade. Gramsci, Habermas, Foucault, Derrida, Kristeva, etc., have been used by numerous scholars to challenge realism's main assumptions, namely: sovereignty, anarchy and the balance of power. Rosenberg makes a contribution to the debate by bringing Marx into the fray against both realism and indirectly ‘post-structuralism’.     

The silence of the tapes

He is author of The challenge of the Borderline Patient;and The Reality of Mental Illness(with Martin Roth). His research interests include diagnostic and therapeutic issues of personality disorders, adjustment problems of Southeast Asian refugees, and comparisons of self-injurious behaviors in medieval Europe and contemporary society.     

The Rise of the Genotocracy

This article examines whether meritocracy is an effective device for legitimising socioeconomic inequality. It looks at two ways in which it could be said to do that—by allocating wealth and prestige according to merit, and by creating opportunities for those born in low income families—and concludes that the first only creates the appearance of fairness (an argument made persuasively by John Rawls) and the second is a largely unfulfilled promise. The author asks whether the low levels of social mobility in Britain and America are because they have not yet become fully-fledged meritocracies, or because they have, and considers Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray’s argument in The Bell Curve that meritocratic societies have a tendency to degenerate into genetically-based caste systems. It examines the research by Dalton Conley, Jason Fletcher and Benjamin Domingue on this point, which shows that genetic assortative mating declined over the course of the twentieth century, and tentatively concludes that Herrnstein and Murray were wrong—that flatlining social mobility is a bug, not a feature, of meritocratic societies.     

The future of the JCPOA

Following the United States' withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, Tehran is unlikely to stay in the agreement merely to maintain the moral high ground, without economic and geopolitical gains. But even if it withdraws from the deal, Tehran may judge actual advancement of its nuclear capability strategically imprudent.