俄东正教的特点及其对白银时代宗教哲学的塑造

作为基督教的分支,俄罗斯东正教具有区别于新教与天主教的特征,这些特征表现在对世俗政权的依附性、浓重的神秘主义色彩、重视神人性原则、重视灵修、重宗教仪式等。东正教对于俄罗斯文化与历史产生了极其深远的影响,它是俄罗斯白银时代宗教哲学逃脱不掉的"母体文化",引导和塑造了俄罗斯白银时代宗教哲学的基本精神取向。     

宗教语境下的民粹派

俄罗斯的国教东正教,对19世纪占主流思潮的民粹主义具有重要影响。大部分民粹主义者虽然宣称反宗教,但是他们不能摆脱东正教的传统,他们的精神和行为是世俗的宗教形式。这一点我们可以从民粹主义的文化背景———东正教教义中的弥赛亚说、人道主义、末世论得到验证。同时,宗教的内在特征———信仰,也揭示了民粹主义和宗教的内在一致性。     

俄罗斯伊斯兰教及穆斯林问题

俄罗斯是一个多民族和多宗教并存的国家,居民主要信奉东正教、伊斯兰教等。俄罗斯主体民族俄罗斯族主要信奉东正教,而俄北高加索地区各民族的主要宗教则是伊斯兰教。伊斯兰教在俄经历了复杂曲折的发展历程,既有在沙俄和苏联时期被打压、同化的低潮期,也有在当代俄罗斯迅速发展的壮大期。目前,俄罗斯穆斯林人口在快速增长,伊斯兰教已成为俄第二大宗教,是影响俄国家发展的重要因素。     

普京新政与俄罗斯东正教会公共外交

东正教是俄罗斯标志性的社会文化符号之一。宗教的复兴与回归是全球治理的趋势。东正教与世俗政治的融合渗透进入俄罗斯的政治文化层面,影响着政治精英对于外交政策的构建。2012年5月7日,普京开始第三届总统任期,在外交政策的制定以及涉华外交中更加积极地利用东正教。在中俄战略协作的大背景下,在明确双方战略意图的基础上,坚定原则、创新合作,中俄正教事务亦可展开建设性的＂宗教共治＂。东正教在俄外交中的积极角色也启发我国开展＂宗教外交＂,发挥宗教的＂正向＂功效。     

浅析俄罗斯东正教的伦理思想

世界上发展成熟的宗教都有自己的一套理论体系,尽管它们的经典、信条、教义都各不相同,但伦理道德都是其不可缺少的内容。俄罗斯东正教也是如此。甚至可以说,东正教就是伦理型的宗教,舍弃伦理道德,东正教将失去其存在的价值。东正教的很多伦理思想并未因时间久远而有所改变,它们对当代俄罗斯社会仍有很多有益的启迪。     

俄罗斯东正教新大牧首基里尔

今年1月27日,俄罗斯东正教都主教基里尔以高票当选第十六届莫斯科及全俄大牧首,2月1日在莫斯科救世主大教堂正式登基就职,成为苏联解体后的首位新选大牧首。基里尔属东正教世家后代,是一代神学名师,德高望重,长期从事宗教外交,被誉为东正教会的外交部长。鉴于东正教在当代俄罗斯国内的政治生活和对外政策中发挥着日益重要的作用,以及俄当局对东正教在华传播的高度重视,基里尔责无旁贷地肩负着维护俄罗斯东正教的统一与振兴的历史使命。     

俄罗斯东正教在日本的传播与发展

俄罗斯东正教传入日本已有160多年的历史,对日本的文学、建筑艺术、宗教艺术、旅游业等方面都产生了一定影响.俄罗斯东正教在日本的传播和发展并非一帆风顺,从艰辛起步的圣尼古拉时期,到稳定与动荡交织的都主教谢尔吉时期、美国东正教会管理时期以及教会实现自治至今,日本东正教会与俄罗斯东正教会始终保持着隶属关系.俄罗斯东正教在日本...     

论东正教对俄罗斯精神的影响

俄罗斯文化培育了独特的民族精神,其中宗教是一个很重要的因素。俄罗斯是一个宗教民族,东正教自“罗斯受洗”起近千年的时间里一直是俄罗斯的国教,对俄罗斯的民族精神产生了很大的影响。俄罗斯的专制制度、村社传统以及救世理论都与东正教的影响有着极为密切的联系。     

俄罗斯东正教媒体发展状况探析

东正教媒体在俄罗斯的兴起和繁荣发展既是时代的产物,同时也是俄罗斯本土化的产物。东正教媒体是东正教团体意识的再现,是认知东正教的良好渠道。俄罗斯的东正教媒体在发展过程中逐渐形成一个拥有相当规模的完整体系,包括报纸、杂志、广播、电视、门户网站等所有纸质媒介和电子媒介。俄罗斯东正教媒体既有宗教媒体世俗化的普遍特点,又兼有俄罗斯本土化的特征,虽不是主流媒体,却是俄罗斯主流媒体最为重要的合作者。     

俄罗斯“东正教热”反思

苏联解体后,俄罗斯掀起了"东正教热".东正教是俄罗斯传统文化的一部分,"东正教热"的出现既是一种文化现象、一种思潮,也是一种政治现象.我们应该认真研究和特别重视俄罗斯出现的"东正教热",既要分析它的文化因素,也要分析它背后的政治因素,认真总结苏联在宗教问题上的教训,引以为鉴,以利于进一步搞好我国的宗教工作.     

What's so ‘religious’ about ‘religious terrorism’?

This article assesses the validity of the concept of ‘religious terrorism’ and its consequences for research and policy practices. It explores the origins, assumptions and primary arguments of the term and subjects them to an analytical assessment. It argues that the distinctions typically drawn between ‘religious’ and ‘secular’ terrorism are problematic, both conceptually and empirically, and that the term is misleading in its typical assumptions about the motives, causes and behaviour of groups classified as ‘religious terrorist’. In particular, it shows that the behaviour of those thus labelled is so diverse, and often so indistinguishable from their ‘secular’ counterparts, that the term has little meaning without further qualification, while simultaneously obscuring important aspects of both ‘religious’ and ‘secular’ violence. It then goes on to illustrate how the term, rooted in a particular historically situated understanding of religion and a particular set of power structures, serves as a disciplinary device to domesticate ‘political religion’, delegitimising certain actors while legitimising a number of highly contentious counterterrorist practices designed to deal with those described as ‘religious terrorists’. The article ends with some suggestions for alternative ways to study the role of beliefs and institutional structures, religious or otherwise, in producing political violence.     

Ethics,terrorism and counter‐terrorism

Traditionally, the Talmudic Orthodoxy always postulated the reestablishing of a Jewish state only by an act of God's grace at messianic times. The establishment of Israel by secular Jews thus caused real consternation among Orthodox sects. Ultra Orthodox sects did not even recognize Israel as a Jewish entity. However, the occupation of the West Bank, the site of the ancient Jewish kingdoms, in 1967 was seen by many Orthodox Jews as a sign of redemption and also an opportunity to take an active, even a leading, role in a “true Zionist” enterprise of fulfilling God's promise to Abraham that the whole land will belong to his offspring. The settling of the West Bank was congruent with the government's political aims. This led the government to provide deep financial and massive military support to settlers, both the religious population that follows a radical nationalistic policy enveloped with messianic motifs, and other settlers, attracted by the substantial perks. The violent conduct of the militant religious sector among the settlers provides a radical threat to Israel's character, and even its existence. Above and beyond that provided by the military and economic burden of the West Bank settlements themselves.     

Why the “Sacred” Is a Better Resource Than “Religion” for Understanding Terrorism

The popular media and many in academia often overstate the role that religion, and its supposedly unique qualities, has played in recent acts of terror. In this article, I argue that the notion of religious violence is unhelpful and that there is a more useful concept that we can utilize to draw out the values and ideas that play a role in the move to violence in both religious and secular groups. From a series of case studies on religious and non-religious groups, I have drawn out an alternative framework for investigating and learning from the role that beliefs play in motivations and justifications for terrorism. This framework uses the concept of non-negotiable (or “sacred”) beliefs. It is as applicable to secular as it is to religious groups, and can show us much more about how such beliefs can contribute to violence.     

Recovering religion: practising intersectoral cooperation in a time of cholera

ABSTRACT

Due to social and historical forces resistant to predictions of religion’s waning influence in the modern world, responses to contemporary epidemics continue to involve local religious entities and global religious networks. This viewpoint draws on the history of the 1854 cholera epidemic in London to highlight how histories of cooperation between religion and public health can help focus current thinking about the potential for intersectoral cooperation in response to modern epidemics.     

The effects of religion on domestic conflicts

Religion has four basic functions in politics, society and conflict: To provide a value‐laden worldview; to supply rules and standards of behavior based on that worldview; to organize adherents through institutions; and to legitimate actors, actions and institutions. Although these functions have remained constant for most of recorded history, the nature of religious worldviews have changed over time. The magnitude and extent of their impact on intra‐state conflicts vary according to their social context. Modern phenomena have much affected the nexus between religion and society. Ethnic issues, especially national self‐determination, have become intertwined with religious issues. Democratization has provided a new environment in which religious movements must find their place. Fundamentalist demands for a return to first sources as a way of life are, to a great extent, a reaction to two modern phenomena: serious social dislocations caused by modernization and societies in which secular ideologies now fill the social functions which were once the purview of religion.     

Terror mandated by god

Religion's renewed political presence on a global scale is often accompanied by violence ‐ in part because of the nature of religion and its claims for power over life in death; in part due to the nature of secular politics, which places its own legitimacy on the currency of weapons and can only be challenged successfully on a military level; and in part due to the nature of political violence. The symbolic power of violence can be a valuable commodity for religious as well as for political forces. Through violence, the proponents of a religious ideology like Aum Shinrikyo remind the populace of the godly power that makes their ideology potent, and at times religious activists create man‐made incidents of terror on God's behalf.     

The Ancient Fire: Religion and Suicide Terrorism

Does religion lead to greater destructiveness from suicide terrorism? And if so, how does it influence this form of political violence? Recent analyses of terrorism point to the significance of religion, but are divided as to whether religion itself matters, or certain types of religious terrorist groups are actually driving suicide terrorist violence. This article draws on social movement theory and recent work in the study of suicide terrorism to argue that religion influences the severity of suicide terrorist attacks as an ideology groups use to justify their struggle and gain public support. This effect occurs regardless of a group's goals or organizational nature. The theory is tested using a generalized estimating equation to account for multiple attacks by several groups. The study finds that the religious ideology of a group greatly increases the number of deaths from a suicide attack, even if varying group motivations and structural factors are taken into account. The article helps to clarify the effect of religion on contemporary terrorism, contributing to the study of both terrorism and religion and politics.     

Demographics, Religion, and the Future of Europe

Immigration and changing demographic trends mean that Europe will in the very near future inevitably be transformed, culturally and politically. As in the Cold War, it again represents a critical theater for rivalry, but this time it is between Christianity, Islam, and secularism. European nations will either be the sites of religious conflict and violence that sets Muslim minorities against secular states and Muslim communities against Christian neighbors, or it could become the birthplace of a liberalized and modernized Islam that could in turn transform the religion worldwide. We urgently need to understand the developing contours of European religious beliefs and practices, and not just as they apply to Muslims, for the outcome of the rivalry there will have profound implications for the United States.