论当代西欧国家政党制度的形成与发展

当代世界政治绝大多数是政党政治,政党政治的程序化便是政党制度.西欧,既是现代资本主义文明的发源地,又是世界政党和政党制度的故乡.因此,在人们注目西欧绚丽多彩的政治外观时,深入研究当代西欧国家政党制度的形成与发展,有独到的价值和深远的意义.     

政党政治的合法性探析

政党自产生后已逐渐成为世界多数国家最重要的政治主体,政党政治成为国家民主政治生活的主要形式。政党的历史合法性在于其产生具有一定的经济、政治、社会等基础;现代政党政治通过民主选举、有效决策、权力监督等政治运作机制获得现实合法性;根据当代社会历史条件,政党通过发展社会经济、创新意识形态、构建和谐社会、发扬党内民主、提高执政能力等多种途径,构筑政党政治的时代合法性体系。     

政党政治现代化的涵含和标准解析

随着国家民主政治和政党的发展,政党政治已成为当今世界一种普遍的政治现象,构成当代政治体系的主流,成为当代全球最大的亮点。而作为政治现代化不可或缺的组成部分,政党政治现代化也就相应的提上了日程,政党政治现代化已然成为政党政治国家共同的价值取向和努力实现的政治目标。     

立足新起点 谋求新发展——部分政协委员建言献策集萃

让多党合作制度深深植根于祖国的土壤之中省政协常委、农工民主党漯河市委主委袁剑萍当今世界政治从一定意义上讲是政党政治。中国的政党和政党制度形成于1905年,孙中山先生在日本东京创立的同盟会是中国第一个现代意义上的政党。在中国政党政治的发展过程中,先后出现过多党制、一     

论民主党派政治资源的内涵、构成体系与基本特征

政党和政党政治作为民主政治的必然要求以及“可能是现代人对政治艺术的最大贡献”,其生存和发展有赖于资源的获得和资源的利用.政治发展过程不仅是一个消耗政治资源的过程,更是一个政治资源配置的过程.从资源科学的角度看,政党政治发展史就是政党为履行政治主导职能对相应资源的认识和开发利用的历史,政党政治的运行就是对政党资源的合理利用和有序开发的过程.     

政党立法与政党制度评述

政党制度是国家政治制度的重要组成部分。现代政治的一个显著特点就是政党政治的充分发展,政党活动和政党制度在国家政治生活中的地位越来越突出,以至于有人说,没有政党就没有现代政治。政治与法制也是密不可分的,现代政治的另一个特点是政治活动和政治制度逐渐法律化和规范化。因此,研究政党立法问题是非常重要的。那么,各国政党立法情况究竟怎样呢?本文拟从这一问题的分析中找出关于政党立法的带有普遍性、规律性的东西。     

香港政党政治的发展现状及其政治影响

香港的政党政治是伴随着港英时期政治体制改革而逐步形成的,并以中国恢复对香港行使主权为时间界限分为萌芽雏形和发展稳定两个阶段。政党政治在香港发挥了重要的政治功能,并对香港的政治生活产生了深远的政治影响。新世纪新阶段,“一国两制”条件下,香港政党政治只有坚持在符合香港实际的基础上循序渐进,发挥优势,避免不利因素的影响,才能获得更好的发展。     

德国《政党法》的精神内核和制度构造

<正>在西方世界,德国率先在宪法中明确承认政党的地位和作用,并率先制定了规制政党的专门法典。从德国70年的政党政治实践来看,政党对于宪法和法律的反馈也是积极的,德国的政党政治保持了稳定的格局。可以说,德国《政党法》起到了维护政治秩序、保持政治稳定和促进政党政治有序发展的重要作用。     

历史视阈下党章演绎的政党现代化发展逻辑

政党现代化是政党孜孜以求的一种目标状态,也是政党内部传统政治因素逐渐消减、现代政治因素不断增强的运动。中国共产党在领导社会主义现代化事业进程中,自身也在向现代化嬗变,以更好地承载历史使命和人民重托。近百年党章的生动演绎所呈现出的中国共产党现代化发展逻辑,不仅是马克思主义政党健康发展的规律遵循,也是现代政党政治发展的一种重要范式。     

转型时期中东欧政党政治博弈力量格局及新变化

转型时期中东欧国家通过政权更替与重组、多党议会民主制的确立与完善,逐步向"民主化"的目标迈进。在这一过程中,中东欧国家各类政党瞬间涌现,并逐渐演化成左右翼两大阵营,围绕议会展开政治力量博弈,呈现出左右翼轮流交替执政的政治格局。除20世纪90年代中期出现的短暂左翼复兴外,左翼政党在政治博弈中大体处于相对劣势,尤其在中东欧国家陆续加入欧盟后,右翼政党一直保持政治优势。随着中东欧转型国家政治生态持续嬗变,民粹主义、极端主义影响持续上升,尤其是新民粹主义,搅动一些国家政党政治格局。目前,中东欧政党政治中,左翼政党在弱势中呈现小幅增长,右翼政党仍保持优势地位,新民粹主义政党顺势突起。     

香港社会中民粹主义的影响、成因及消解

香港社会中的民粹主义给香港政治社会发展带来很多消极影响,增加了特别行政区政府依法施政的难度,妨碍香港政治发展的进程,并引起香港一些居民与中央政府的对抗.香港社会中的民粹主义由民生等经济问题而引发,并因选举政治而加剧.消解民粹主义,需要香港社会权力体系和财产体系的分配应照顾各阶层的利益,必须保障草根阶层的基本权利；政府必须兼顾社会精英和普罗大众的利益,对两者的矛盾应加以调和,促成两者的妥协.     

正确处理“五个”关系 创新统一战线工作

建国以来,中国共产党在统一战线建设上积累了丰富的经验,主要包括必须围绕党和国家的中心工作,协调好党与非党关系、民族关系、宗教关系、阶层关系、大陆与港澳台及海外同胞关系,实现最广泛的政治联盟。     

论民主党派参与高校思想政治教育的路径

思想政治教育要实现育人目标,离不开全社会包括民主党派的参与。民主党派参与高校思想政治教育是其广泛参与社会生活的结果和高校思想政治教育实践教学发展的要求。民主党派参与高校思想政治教育的路径既包括宏观层面上的参政、议政,也包括微观层面上的身体力行。     

From Fortress Hong Kong to Hong Kong–Shenzhen Metropolis: the emergence of government-led strategy for regional integration in Hong Kong

The Hong Kong government was less active in regional integration before 2003. This study explores what conditions have contributed to the shifting of the Hong Kong government's stance on Hong Kong–Shenzhen integration from protectionism to cooperation since 2003. In addition to secondary data, a questionnaire survey and interviews were conducted in this study. Various external and internal economic, political and social factors that have contributed to the emergence of government-led strategy for regional integration in Hong Kong are analyzed. It is found that regional integration is facilitated by consensus building among the government, political parties, other interest groups and residents within Hong Kong.     

The Hong Kong Policy of the People's Republic of China, 1949-1997

China's policy toward Hong Kong in the period 1949-1997 was primarily driven by utilitarian calculations of national interests and the interests of the Chinese Communist Party. The Hong Kong policy of China, as an integral part of its foreign policy, was distinctive in that ideological fervor and nationalist passions had limited influence. The goals to be achieved by the Hong Kong policy remained unchanged throughout the period; the strategies adopted, however, changed in accordance with the changing international situation and the national interests as defined by the Chinese leaders. The primary goals of the Hong Kong policy were to secure a less threatening external political environment for China and to make calculated use of Hong Kong for China's economic development. By tolerating Hong Kong as a British colony, China also depended on Britain to control the potentially threatening anti-Communist Chinese population there. The 'over-dependence' on the British to control the Chinese people in Hong Kong on the eve of Hong Kong's reversion to China, however, alienated the Hong Kong people as well as impeded the formation of local political leaders in the territory. As a result, the acquisition of Hong Kong by China in 1997 has not been accompanied by political rapport between the Chinese government and the Hong Kong people, thus sowing seeds for lingering friction between them.     

Framing the Democracy Debate in Hong Kong

This article examines the discourses of democracy in the context of political development in Hong Kong during the first 12 years after the 1997 handover using rhetoric and frame analysis. Overall, the study shows how political actors define political options and promote development, which is favourable to their interests and views, through framing democracy in different ways. The study reveals the frames that describe different points of view, and contributes to the understanding of democrats' position as re-framers. The found frames are clustered into paradigmatic framesets that deal with the concrete democracy issue and the political situation in present-day Hong Kong. Consequently, the democracy debate in Hong Kong is organised around two opposite and idealised templates for democracy. The first cluster forms the pro-establishment model, which suggests solutions built around consensus and practical means. The second frameset, mostly used by the pro-democrats, supports the idea of a wider democratic change which entails broad normative changes in politics.     

One Formula,Two Experiences: political divergence of Hong Kong and Macao since retrocession

Since the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty to the People's Republic of China, the territory's political development has diverged from that of Macao. The poverty of leadership, state–society confrontations, deinstitutionalization and Beijing's explicit intervention have marked Hong Kong's political development from 1997 to 2004. Since April 2004, the Hong Kong governing style has converged with that of Macao in terms of its pragmatism. Although Macao's political development is characterized by leadership finesse, state–society partnership and institutionalization, its relatively weak civil society and lack of democratic reforms are by no means an attractive ‘one country, two systems’ model to Taiwan; nor does Hong Kong's ‘one country, two systems’ appeal to the Republic of China. Yet, the political corruption and chaos that punctuate Taiwan's democracy have failed to have any positive demonstration effect on Hong Kong and Macao. While the models of Hong Kong and Macao are bound to diverge from that of Taiwan, political development in the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions is gradually converging.     

民主党派如何做好“一国两制”条件下港澳统战工作

新形势下,作为初级阶段的"一国两制"面临着日益复杂多变的国际背景,还有各种不稳定因素或突发事件,需要协调处理好各方面关系,在实践中不断摸索与完善。民主党派作为我国社会政治生活中的一支重要力量,应进一步发挥独特优势,做好"一国两制"条件下港澳统战工作,确保爱国、爱港、爱澳力量的优势地位,巩固香港、澳门以爱国者为主体的"港人治港"、"澳人治澳"的坚实社会基础。     

Hong Kong's policy possibilities and directions toward the mainland‐Taiwan conflict

On 1 July 1997, Hong Kong was returned from British colonial rule to Chinese rule under the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The change in political status of Hong Kong has great impacts on the triangular relationship between Hong Kong, the mainland and Taiwan, in which the mainland and Taiwan are still in a state of intense political conflict and competition. This paper examines the policy possibilities and directions for Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region of the PRC in handling its relations with Taiwan. It argues that both Beijing and Taipei want to preserve the existing Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations for political and practical purposes but at the same time will try to avoid being forced into a suspected political trap—for Beijing the recognition of Taiwan as an independent political entity and for Taipei the subordination of Taiwan to PRC sovereignty. Between these two baselines, the paper points out that Hong Kong should pursues its own Taiwan policy built upon the interests of Hong Kong and depoliticization of Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations.