港台青年民粹主义转向的原因探析

港台地区的青年社会运动暴露了台湾、香港两地新生代中的阶层矛盾、族群矛盾、身份政治问题和民粹主义倾向。港台青年们强烈的政治参与及行动热情和匮乏的政治知识及经验形成了鲜明对比,从而加剧了政治表达的激进化倾向和非理性的反体制风气,也进一步强化了港台地区正在抬头的民粹主义文化。     

关于加快发展市场经济中介机构的思考

中介机构,作为市场体系中的一个重要组成部分,是随着现代市场经济和社会化大生产的发展而产生并不断成长起来,愈来愈成为社会经济活动中的耀眼一族。它是介于国家政治组织、行政组织与企业、社会利益群体之间的社会组织,是连接政府与企业、     

政府公信力的文化探源

本文从西方和中国的文化渊源中探求政府公信力思想.西方社会契约理论认为人民与政府之间存在政治委托--代理关系.政府信用是决定其关系的最重要因素.政府职员既代表公共利益,又代表私人利益,应防止为获取私人利益而侵害公共利益.中国文化注重信任的培育,现代社会应避免对历史文化传承的破坏.     

世界民粹主义趋势透析

关注理由:从发达的欧洲和日本,到正在快速上升的俄罗斯和印度,再到第三世界的拉美地区,政治过程中的民粹主义趋势正在世界政治舞台上悄然形成。核心观点:民粹主义认为平民被社会中的精英所压制,而国家需要离开精英的控制。其具有极端平民化倾向,反对精英主义,忽视或者极端否定政治精英在社会历史发展中的重要作用。新动向:民粹主义当前最突出表现是各国政坛的右倾化现象,"草根型"政治领导人借助民众对现行体制的不满,打着人民至上的口号,赢得了较高的支持率。尽管当今世界政治中的这股民粹化趋势在一定程度上反应了底层民众的诉求和对社会的不满,但是其负面影响也是显而易见的。     

网络民粹主义折射的社会心态

泛政治化倾向愈发明显、同其他思潮形成合流、线上线下形成联动,是当前网络民粹主义的显著特征。网络民粹主义折射出的是自我矮化、道德正义高于程序正义、网络旁观搅局等社会心态,容易放大社会矛盾并冲击主流意识形态。对此,我们应从加大正向内容输出、强化网民政治参与和建立健全监管体系等方面着手,加强网络民粹主义的防范与治理。     

挟持民意的民粹主义当休矣

当代西方各国民粹主义思潮势头强劲,而贫富差距扩大、公民意识启蒙、互联网普及、媒体话语权的变迁,则是当代中国民粹主义兴起的现实动因。在现实政治中,民粹主义宣扬平民主义,仇官仇富、反精英、反体制,热衷激进立场与非理性政治。消解当代民粹主义的负向影响,必须准确认识并正确对待,既要将民粹情绪与民意表达区别对待,还要约束和规制民粹主义的极端立场,更要消解民粹主义滋生的土壤。     

多党制国家党派政治的运作困境

多党制是世界政党政治中的主要类型,在过去相当长一段时间发挥了积极作用。但从20世纪末21世纪初开始,随着政党在国家治理中发挥更大的作用并成为国家治理的核心主体,而原有的多党并立和政治社会结构分裂又在民粹主义和认同政治的催化下更加碎片化,这就形成了多党制国家政党政治的结构—功能错位现象,进而加剧了政府公共政策制定和执行的党派化趋势,并引发民主政治的深层危机。     

当代民粹主义研究浅见

当代民粹主义已经成为普遍性的社会问题,推动着"民粹主义时代"的到来,考验着各国政府的治理能力。扩展和拓深对当代民粹主义的研究范围与研究深度,可以从揭示当代民粹主义的特性、圈定当代民粹主义的范畴、开展政治平民化趋势下如何正确认识当代"民粹主义"的探讨、展开对全球当代民粹主义产生根源的研究、探讨应对全球当代民粹主义的对策等几个方面入手,推进当代民粹主义的深入研究。     

和谐社会离不开卫生的公平

十六届六中全会《决定》指出,必须加紧建设对保障社会公平正义具有重大作用的制度,保障人民在政治、经济、文化、社会等方面的权利和利益.公平正义是和谐社会的显著特征,也是医疗卫生领域分配的基本原则,更是医疗卫生体系得以确立并良好运作的根本所在.因此,国家和政府在制订卫生政策的时候,必须考虑卫生公平问题.公则天下平,平则公.和谐社会离不开卫生的公平.     

社会结构变化与我国政党制度的发展

以利益群体多样化为基本特征的社会结构深刻变化,必然引发利益要求的冲突和社会矛盾的积累,利益整合、人心凝聚成为我国改革、发展、稳定中必须解决的重大课题.这种社会结构变化为我国的多党合作政党制度提供了优越性发挥的契机和自身发展完善的空间.应充分利用中国特色的政党制度资源,协调多种利益群体的政治诉求,促进政治文明发展,提高民族凝聚力.     

One Formula,Two Experiences: political divergence of Hong Kong and Macao since retrocession

Since the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty to the People's Republic of China, the territory's political development has diverged from that of Macao. The poverty of leadership, state–society confrontations, deinstitutionalization and Beijing's explicit intervention have marked Hong Kong's political development from 1997 to 2004. Since April 2004, the Hong Kong governing style has converged with that of Macao in terms of its pragmatism. Although Macao's political development is characterized by leadership finesse, state–society partnership and institutionalization, its relatively weak civil society and lack of democratic reforms are by no means an attractive ‘one country, two systems’ model to Taiwan; nor does Hong Kong's ‘one country, two systems’ appeal to the Republic of China. Yet, the political corruption and chaos that punctuate Taiwan's democracy have failed to have any positive demonstration effect on Hong Kong and Macao. While the models of Hong Kong and Macao are bound to diverge from that of Taiwan, political development in the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions is gradually converging.     

Civil Society in Self-Defense: the struggle against national security legislation in Hong Kong

The political struggle against national security legislation in Hong Kong led to an unprecedented awakening of civil society against the state and the largest indigenous movement in Hong Kong history. The proposed laws by the Hong Kong government were seen as overbroad and ill-defined, and the government's disregard of public opinion led to an outcry from various social sectors. The Catholic Church, legal professionals and the press played special roles in opinion leadership and mobilization in the struggle. The mass protest created an internal split of the governing elite and forced the postponement of the legislation. It also encouraged local participation, re-fueled an ailing democracy movement, and put democratic reforms onto the political agenda of Hong Kong.     

Hong Kong in United States‐China relations: The international politics of Hong Kong's reversion to Chinese sovereignty

This article examines the implications of the political transition of Hong Kong on US‐China relations in strategic, political and economic dimensions. It evaluates the impact of Hong Kong's changing status in the context of the engagement‐containment debate on China policy in the US. It suggests that US concerns over questions such as democracy and human rights and China's rejection of foreign interference’ in Hong Kong would turn the territory into a source of political conflict between the US and China. Finally it points out that any major trade confrontation between the two countries would have serious implications for the territory. The article concludes by arguing that if Hong Kong could continue to be a prosperous and free society with a global outlook, it would facilitate China's integration with the global community, but if a reversion to authoritarian rule occurred in Hong Kong, US‐China relations will be aversely affected.     

Hong Kong's policy possibilities and directions toward the mainland‐Taiwan conflict

On 1 July 1997, Hong Kong was returned from British colonial rule to Chinese rule under the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The change in political status of Hong Kong has great impacts on the triangular relationship between Hong Kong, the mainland and Taiwan, in which the mainland and Taiwan are still in a state of intense political conflict and competition. This paper examines the policy possibilities and directions for Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region of the PRC in handling its relations with Taiwan. It argues that both Beijing and Taipei want to preserve the existing Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations for political and practical purposes but at the same time will try to avoid being forced into a suspected political trap—for Beijing the recognition of Taiwan as an independent political entity and for Taipei the subordination of Taiwan to PRC sovereignty. Between these two baselines, the paper points out that Hong Kong should pursues its own Taiwan policy built upon the interests of Hong Kong and depoliticization of Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations.     

The Role of a Political Interest Group in Democratization of China and Hong Kong: the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China

The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China (HKASPDM) is a cross-border political interest group advocating for democratization in both mainland China and Hong Kong. It was involved in the bold rescue of mainland democrats out of the PRC shortly after the June 1989 Tiananmen crackdown; it constantly exerts pressure on the PRC government to release its political prisoners; it has been influencing the Hong Kong government on the scope and pace of democratization; it communicates with and subsidizes overseas Chinese groups supportive of democratic reforms in China; it is persistently educating the younger generations of Hong Kong and most importantly mainland visitors to Hong Kong on the 1989 Tiananmen tragedy; and its supporters have attempted to cross the border of Hong Kong to Macao to influence the policy of the Chinese government toward political prisoners. As a political interest group based in Hong Kong with cross-border influences on both the mainland and Macao, the Alliance has been making full use of the available political space and freedom of assembly in Hong Kong to achieve their ultimate objective of having a ‘democratic China’. Its existence in the HKSAR is an indication of a certain degree of political tolerance by both the Hong Kong government and Beijing, which have to be very careful of the need to maintain an image of the feasible formula of ‘one country, two systems’ in Hong Kong.     

香港的政党与政党政治

在港英政府 2 0世纪 80年代开始的政治体制改革中 ,随着选举政治的兴起 ,香港的政党破土而出 ,并逐渐发展起来。香港进入特区时代以后 ,政党的格局趋于稳定。随着政党的形成和发展 ,香港的政党政治也逐渐稳定下来 ,形成香港特有的政党政治。政党和政党政治的发展 ,又改变了香港的政治生态 ,使香港的政治发展出现新的面貌。     

The Hong Kong Policy of the People's Republic of China, 1949-1997

China's policy toward Hong Kong in the period 1949-1997 was primarily driven by utilitarian calculations of national interests and the interests of the Chinese Communist Party. The Hong Kong policy of China, as an integral part of its foreign policy, was distinctive in that ideological fervor and nationalist passions had limited influence. The goals to be achieved by the Hong Kong policy remained unchanged throughout the period; the strategies adopted, however, changed in accordance with the changing international situation and the national interests as defined by the Chinese leaders. The primary goals of the Hong Kong policy were to secure a less threatening external political environment for China and to make calculated use of Hong Kong for China's economic development. By tolerating Hong Kong as a British colony, China also depended on Britain to control the potentially threatening anti-Communist Chinese population there. The 'over-dependence' on the British to control the Chinese people in Hong Kong on the eve of Hong Kong's reversion to China, however, alienated the Hong Kong people as well as impeded the formation of local political leaders in the territory. As a result, the acquisition of Hong Kong by China in 1997 has not been accompanied by political rapport between the Chinese government and the Hong Kong people, thus sowing seeds for lingering friction between them.     

From Fortress Hong Kong to Hong Kong–Shenzhen Metropolis: the emergence of government-led strategy for regional integration in Hong Kong

The Hong Kong government was less active in regional integration before 2003. This study explores what conditions have contributed to the shifting of the Hong Kong government's stance on Hong Kong–Shenzhen integration from protectionism to cooperation since 2003. In addition to secondary data, a questionnaire survey and interviews were conducted in this study. Various external and internal economic, political and social factors that have contributed to the emergence of government-led strategy for regional integration in Hong Kong are analyzed. It is found that regional integration is facilitated by consensus building among the government, political parties, other interest groups and residents within Hong Kong.     

Business as usual: The dynamics of government‐business relations in the Hong Kong special administrative region

This is an attempt to evaluate the implications of Hong Kong's political transition to post‐colonial rule for economic governance in the SAR beyond the ‘Beijing versus Hong Kong’ perspective. The article examines the changing government‐business dynamics in Hong Kong after the reversion by focusing on three inter‐related dimensions: economic ideology; institutional and policy framework; and the new political environment in post‐colonial Hong Kong. By challenging the assertion that Hong Kong is returning to the pre‐Patten colonial order under Chinese management, it argues that economic governance in Hong Kong has always been more complex than has been characterized in the literature. A conceptual framework incorporating the dynamic interplay of domestic and international factors is needed to comprehend the changing nature of government‐business relationships in the SAR.