以人为本与宪政中国

“以人为本”作为日常生活语言何以可能成为法律语言,进而体现在宪法文本中?从比较法的视野考察,上述问题并不具有独特性,西方宪政话语中的“人的尊严”范畴早就已经完成了从日常语言到宪法文本条款的变迁过程。通过探讨西方宪政历史中“人的尊严”条款入宪的过程及其法律涵义,可以理解我国当下宪政话语中的“以人为本”的可能意蕴。     

美国人的宪法意识

冯俊杰在《漫谈宪法意识》一文中说，在法律的效力上，宪法是高于立法机关的立法。从而对立法机关进行限制，也能够对以投票决定的程序加以约束，所以成为公共事务和私人领域之间一个明显的分界。而宪法本身理所当然地不能被自己执行，也无法自动地约束人民。问题就出来了：宪法对抗暴政，当以名义上的“少数服从多数”的“民主”威胁到宪法的时候。谁来捍卫宪法?古典宪政就有一个中心主题“对当局进行民主监督其本身并不能保证避免专制”，因为宪政本身也需要监督和维护。     

公开与保密的平衡:美国政务公开立法及其对我国的启示

本文以信息公开立法相对完善的美国为研究对象,回顾了美国政务公开立法的历程,探讨了政治因素、社会需求对公开与保密之平衡的影响,从实体和程序两个层面梳理了美国法律关于行政信息公开与保密平衡的制度设计,最终探究制度设计背后的宪政基础,从中获致对我国政务信息公开立法的若干启示.     

警惕热炒“宪政民主”别有用心

秋石在2013年10月16日出版的《求是》杂志撰文指出，“宪政民主”是继“普世价值”思潮之后又一股有影响的政治思潮。“宪政”的概念来源于西方。对西方宪政在学术层面介绍和讨论是可以的。但在有些人那里，“宪政民主”几乎成了政治体制改革的第一话题，称“宪政民主是中国的唯一出路”，这就值得警惕。我们党历来强调宪法是国家的根本大法．     

论点集萃

□摘浅议宪政与行政程序湖北大学法学院谭琪撰文认为,行政程序是推动宪政实施的有利工具。其具体表现在以下几个方面:(一)、行政程序可以防止行政权力主体“道德风险”的发生,实现对权力的控制,体现宪政的要求,推动宪政实施。现代行政程序规定了行政行为的步骤、形式、方式、期限及其顺序等,它制约着行政权力主体——行政官员的具体行为,使得行政官员在行政行为中必须按照规章办事而不得任意武断,从而使得道德风险客观上能够减少发生。行政程序实际是就是为行政主体设置了一套行事的规范,这套规范制约着行政权力的行使,从而在制度上保证以制…     

坚持和发展中国特色的社会主义宪政（上）

宪政是近代资产阶级革命的产物。以1215年英国第一个宪法文件《大宪章》为开端，随着美国第一部成文宪法而固定发展下来，是西方民主国家普遍实行的一种政治体制。宪政以宪法为基本前提。宪法作为国家根本大法，既是一部最高法律．也是一部政治宣言，把革命成果和取得的政治共识通过法律的形式固定下来，并对经济、政治、社会生活等各方面提供根本规范。     

走出违反法定程序法律责任的误区——从六部“典型性”行政程序规范文本展开

以六部“典型性”行政程序规范文本为对象进行比较分析,对学术界程序违法法律责任观点的梳理,认为行政程序法应以行政程序法律关系主体说搭建法律责任,指出违反行政程序法律责任规范逻辑结构的混同以及应对社会变迁态度的保守.提出行政程序法律责任的架构体系,并对非正式行政程序违法的法律责任的作出回应,以步出程序违法法律责任误区.     

紧急状态与行政权的能动舒展——对SARS时期一个案例的中西(美)宪政比较思考

据欧洲人权法院对“公共紧急状态”之界定,SARS危机已构成了国家宪政意义上的紧急状态。本文以SARS时期一案例为素材,结合我国目前宪政有所缺失的现状,从国家行政权力行使的情势必然,终极目的及现实要求诸方面,论证了最高行政权主动处置SARS危机的现时合理性。进而运用比较宪政研究方法,考析了世界宪政国家紧急状态处置制度,认为借鉴西方(美国)的宪政理念与精义,初步建立我国的司法审查机制,壮大宪政舞台上司法权的功能,规范常态与非常态下行政权的行使,是国家宪政的发展前途和行政权宪法定格的历史归宿。     

美国宪政主义历史结点的背后——读《美国宪政历程:影响美国的25个司法大案》

美国宪政实践的进程尽管有其特殊性,但是对于每个追求宪政法治的国家而言都是一个值得认真观察与反思借鉴的历史.翻检美国宪政历史的重要结点,探寻美国宪政精神与宪政规则的历史进程,也有助于我们对宪政实质内涵的理解和把握,让我们走向宪政法治的时代步伐更为铿锵有力.     

关于我国宪政建设的几个问题

中国特色社会主义的宪政建设,受政治、经济、文化等各方面条件的影响和制约,是一个循序渐进的过程。“立党为公、执政为民”、“以人为本”、“树立和落实科学发展观”、“构建和谐社会”这一系列理论中蕴含的丰富宪政思想,拓宽了我们认识宪政的视野,进一步明确了中国宪政建设的思路,而《中国的民主政治建设》白皮书则指明了我国宪政建设的发展方向。     

From the headscarf to the burqa: the role of social theorists in shaping laws against the veil

Abstract

Opposition to the burqa is widespread in Europe but not in the United States. What explains the difference? Focusing primarily on the French case and its Belgian facsimile, we seek to underscore the role of social theorists in legitimizing bans on the full veil. Ironically, this role has been largely disregarded by Anglophone theorists who write on the veil, and who often oppose its prohibition. This article suggests that Europe tends to be more repressive towards full veils because its political process is more open to multiple theoretical representations of the phenomenon of veiling. Conversely, the United States is more open to the provocative display of religious symbols in public because the political process is pre-structured by legal conventions that tend to filter out social theory. The push to ban the burqa in France principally derives from its brand of republicanism rather than being a product of racism and Islamophobia. Of particular significance in the French case is the emphasis on reciprocity as a political principle, a principle that is elongated into an ideal of sociability by French theorists in different disciplines. The arguments of these theorists are described, their rationale is explained and the impact of their intervention on the policy process is documented. The French case, where the popular press and legislature play a major role in shaping policy towards the burqa, is contrasted with that of the United States, where the judiciary, defending religious freedom, remains the most influential collective actor. Each country has correspondingly different attitudes to democracy. In France, the mission of democracy is to extend political equality to the social realm whereas in the United States it is religion that is prioritized so as to protect that which is deemed most sacred to the individual.     

China and Europe: engagement,multipolarity and strategy

Abstract

Ever closer relations between China and Europe over the last decade have sparked speculation about an emerging axis or balance of power vis-à-vis the United States. China, the European Union and its key member states have expressed a preference for a more balanced international order based on multilateral institutions. Despite a rapid and extensive expansion in economic and political relations between China and the European Union, there is no evidence for balancing against the United States in strategic areas. Rather, the variations in the positions of China, the European Union and the United States can more accurately be seen as policy or interest bargaining. Because the European Union does not share US security interests in the Asia-Pacific region, the European Union and its key member states can seem at variance with the US position on China. Bargaining over the failed attempt to lift the European Union's arms embargo against China shows that the European Union and the United States are not so far apart on strategic issues in the Asia-Pacific.     

浅议英美文学作品中人名俗语的寓意方式及文化内涵

人名俗语不仅是一种语言现象,更是一种具有丰富内涵的文化现象。对英美作品人名俗语的寓意方式和文化内涵进行深刻的探讨,不仅有利于语言学习和文学创作,而且有利于提高学习及文学创作的兴趣。     

Utilitarian Multilateralism: The Implications of 11 September 2001 for US Foreign Policy

The 11 September terrorist attacks have led the United States to reassess its foreign policy. The overwhelming priority is the defeat of terrorism and to further this end the United States is prepared to engage with states, regardless of their democratic credentials, willing and able to help the United States on the terrorist front. There is little sign, however, that the new-found interest in promoting multilateral co-operation to deal with terrorism is spilling over into other policy areas. The United States shows no sign of modifying its opposition to a number of international treaties and agreements – such as Kyoto, CTBT or the ICC – all of which its closest allies support. The US approach may be described as 'utilitarian multilateralism'.     

The more the merrier? Sino-Japanese security relations in the context of complex interstate rivalry in the Asia-Pacific region

Abstract

This paper analyses the evolution of Sino-Japanese rivalry in the security sphere concentrating on the Chinese perspective, and placing it within the wider context of complex interstate rivalry between China, Japan and the United States. From a theoretical viewpoint, this research contributes to the literature on interstate rivalry from multiparty perspective, which has been overlooked in existing research. China–Japan–US complex interstate rivalry includes elements of positional, spatial and ideological rivalry simultaneously. When rivalries mix two or more rivalry types, they become more difficult to resolve. The two broad trends of China’s military build-up and deepening US–Japan alliance evolve in tandem intensifying rivalry dynamics and increasing positional elements of rivalry. There are many indications on various levels that for China, controlling Japan’s international ambitions has become less important and more attention is paid to ways in which Japan helps the United States in reaching its objectives in Asia through their alliance agreement. The cases analysed to display complex interstate rivalry include the Taiwan question, territorial disputes in the East and South China Seas, and the North Korean nuclear issue.     

语言的游戏——读《后现代公共行政——话语指向》

查尔斯.J.福克斯和休.T.米勒合著的《后现代公共行政——话语指向》通过后现代主义的审视目光，对官僚制的修正中所出现的宪政主义与公民自决进行了批判：理性解释了它们为什麽不能解决公共行政的环式民主（间接民主或程序民主）失灵问题的原因，提出一种完全崭新的话语理论，试图解决公共行政合法化危机的问题。为公共行政的民主化管理提供了一种可以通达解释的新途径。     

Constitutional Theories and Constitutional Rights: Federalist Considerations

This article examines the contemporary controversy over constitutionalinterpretation and the differing understandings of constitutionalrights that underlie it. We first consider the character andbasis for interpretivism, that is, a jurisprudence that delineatesrights by reference to the intent of the founders and to theconstitutional text. Next, we review the non-interpretivistalternative, focusing on Ronald Dworkin's influential accountof constitutional rights. We conclude that despite its strengths,Dworkin's position does justice neither to the constitutionaltext nor to the connection between structure and rights in theUnited States Constitution. Finally, considering constitutionaltheory from the broader perspective of state constitutionalism,we conclude that its insights are limited to the U.S. Constitutionand offer some suggestions for a more adequate constitutionaltheory.     

美国的高级文官制度

二次大战后，为了充实联邦政府的高级人才队伍，适应政府高级人才管理的需要，美国逐渐形成了高级官制度。本对美国高级官制度各方面的情况进行了系统介绍。     

U.S. Initiative to Place Weapons in Space: The Catalyst for a Space-Based Arms Race with China and Russia

The United States must ensure sustainability and stability in space by protecting its satellites to safeguard national security and economic vitality. Concerns for obtaining this security are mounting, as U.S. satellites are increasingly vulnerable to developing threats from adversaries. This article proposes that the United States will eventually initiate the weaponization of space to defend its space systems and supporting infrastructure. The consequence for such an initiative will manifest a pronounced counteraction from China and Russia, the key spacefaring adversaries of the United States. Such a counteraction will consist of a space-based arms race, as each nation will jockey to position itself as the dominant power in space.     

United States' Narco-Terrorism Policy: A Contingency Approach to the Convergence of the Wars on Drugs and Against Terrorism

In recent years, terrorist organizations have become increasingly dependent on drug trafficking as one of several primary sources of revenue to fund terrorist activities. In response, the United States’ security and intelligence efforts against narco‐terrorism have increasingly merged into one unified policy approach. Moreover, the convergence of United States policy wars against terrorism and illicit drugs have produced complex and dynamic contingency factors. As a result, a relatively coherent nexus now exists between the United States’ antinarcotics and antiterrorist policies. The objective of this article is to explain and assess the contingency factors and implications resulting from this convergence and to provide policy scholars with an analytical perspective into the implications of the United States’ narco‐terrorism policy. It is believed that this article is significant to both policy practitioners and policy scholars concerned with the domestic impact of the United States’ narco‐terrorism policy.