后埃博拉时期中非卫生合作的趋向、挑战与建议

中非卫生合作是约翰内斯堡峰会提出的中非"十大合作计划"之一,后埃博拉时期中非卫生合作逐渐从传统友谊型援助向多层次、宽领域、全方位合作方向转变,呈现出从双边援助到多边合作、由临床医疗到公共卫生体系建设、由全科医疗到专科特色医疗、从国家层面上助推中国药品走进非洲、注重中国经验在非洲的运用等趋势与特点。与此同时,中非卫生合作也面临着一些问题与挑战,卫生战略与决策有待进一步规划与统筹,援助项目有待深耕细作,医药产品走进非洲的瓶颈问题有待突破,体系建设的相关技术转移和经验分享有待开发。为此,中国应调整工作思路,着眼长远,将中非卫生合作纳入中国的全球卫生外交与卫生安全战略整体布局中,以中非卫生合作为契机和支点,将中国在健康领域的国际合作和全球卫生战略的实施引向深入。     

新冠肺炎疫情背景下的 非洲青年发展与中非青年合作

作为世界上人口年龄结构最为年轻的大陆,非洲国家的青年发展问题值得关注.青年是非洲的未来,也是中非合作的未来,是中非关系的希望所在.新冠肺炎疫情背景下非洲青年发展与中非青年合作面临严峻挑战,同时也蕴藏无限机遇.展望后疫情时代的中非青年合作,双方应秉持"真实亲诚"理念,在"一带一路"倡议、非盟《2063年议程》、中非合作论坛等机制的指引下,以培养培训为基础助推非洲青年职业能力建设,以复工复产为动力促进中非新业态合作,以创新创业为引擎提升非洲自主发展能力,以文明文化为纽带传承中非友谊,推动中非青年共同发展,携手构建更加紧密的中非命运共同体.     

全球贫困治理中的非洲减贫国际合作

过去30年,发展中国家在减贫领域取得了不同程度的进展,而非洲仍处于持续贫困状态,其减贫工作仍具有长期性。当前,非洲减贫国际合作进入新阶段:减贫国际合作目标从"千年发展目标"迈进到"2030年可持续发展目标";国际对非减贫合作模式从"南北合作模式"向"南北合作模式""南南合作模式"并行发展;中国在非洲减贫国际合作中的影响力不断上升。在此背景下,非洲国家需把握历史新机遇,在减贫国际合作领域处理好主导减贫战略与协调外部方案、国家减贫内源动力与外部援助、分享减贫国际公共知识产品与探索本土减贫道路之间的互动关系。     

论坛机制助推中非合作转型升级

2000年中非合作论坛机制启动后,中非关系呈现出持续快速发展的良好态势,非洲日趋紧密地融入中国外交战略和发展战略之中,成为其中不可或缺的重要一环。在2015年中非合作论坛约翰内斯堡峰会上,中非双方领导人一致同意将中非关系提升为"全面战略合作伙伴关系"。目前,中国的对非关系已经步入转型升级的新时代。新时代需要有新思维、新作为和新气象,当务之急是在中国国家战略或国际战略的总体框架下,加快运筹、制订中国对非战略。     

中非合作发展的先导作用与“一带一路”倡议

"一带一路"倡议为中国和亚非拉发展中国家的合作提供了一个包容性巨大的合作平台。它使21世纪初开始的中国与非洲国家全方位的合作扩展到亚非拉地区。中非合作发展的经验为"一带一路"倡议下发展中国和亚非拉发展中国家的合作起到了先导作用。中非合作发展的先导作用主要表现在中国政府的主导作用,公共产品供给的大国责任,与合作对象的发展战略对接与互利共赢发展,以及政策沟通、设施联通、贸易畅通、资金融通、民心相通合作实践的示范作用。中非合作发展所取得的经验和成果不仅为中国"一带一路"倡议在沿线发展中国家的实施发挥了先导作用,而且为中非合作发展与"一带一路"倡议的顺利对接提供了先期经验。     

《中非农业合作论坛北京宣言》

我们，中华人民共和国和18个非洲国家执政党和政府领导人、农业部长、企业家，以及非洲发展新伙伴计划署，于2010年8月11至12日聚首北京，出席中非农业合作论坛。     

中国为非洲发展带来最佳机遇——专访埃塞俄比亚人民革命民主阵线中央书记处政党与公民组织事务部长费卡都?特西玛?德吉福

<正>记者:中国国家主席习近平在2018年中非合作论坛北京峰会开幕式上提出开展中非合作的"八大行动",您如何看待"八大行动"?对进一步深化中非人文交流合作有何看法和建议?费卡都:埃中两国都致力于消除贫困,改善人民生活水平。中共中央总书记、中国国家主席习近平提出的"八大行动"是旨在支持非洲发展的最重要倡议之一,为非洲发展带来了最佳机遇,得到非洲人民的热烈欢迎。中国政府和人民也大力支持增加对非援助,扩大贸易投资,为基础设施项目提供     

新时期中非金融合作——现状、影响因素及发展趋势

2010年国新办《中非经贸白皮书》指出,中非金融合作将成为中非合作的新领域、新亮点。本文从银行业、保险及资本市场合作入手,在厘清中非金融合作基本情况及特征基础上,分析影响中非金融合作的有利和不利因素,进而研判中非金融合作的发展趋势。笔者认为,中非金融合作尚处在起步阶段,合作潜力巨大;中非金融合作具有明显的“功能性”特点,尚不具备高层次货币金融合作条件。随着中非双方政治互信不断加强,非洲国家深刻反省自身发展路径且与中国合作愿望增强,金融合作空间广阔。未来中非金融机构之间在金融业务、信息交流和监管合作等方面将朝着全方位、多层次的方向发展,其中更是以开发性金融合作为重点展开。     

在抗疫合作中建设更紧密的中非命运共同体

在抗击新冠疫情的世纪大考中,中国与非洲国家守望相助、共克时艰,谱写了新时代中非友谊的新篇章。中国在援助非洲抗疫物资、派遣医护专家、提供培训和分享防控防治措施与经验、呼吁国际社会重视援非并率先采取行动等方面均体现出了高度的责任担当。同时,中非在携手抗疫的过程中,也遭遇经贸合作受冲击、舆情环境日益复杂等挑战。后疫情时代,中国与非洲国家应加强在卫生、经贸、媒体、民间和国际事务等领域合作,构建更紧密的中非命运共同体。     

"一带一路"与中非合作: 精准对接与高质量发展

2018年9月召开的中非合作论坛北京峰会标志着"一带一路"倡议与中非合作进入精准对接与高质量发展的新阶段。"一带一路"倡议推动中非合作不断走向全方位、宽领域和纵深化的新局面,合作内容从过去的聚焦"五通"拓展到绿色发展、能力建设及健康卫生、和平安全等更多惠民新领域。中非共建"一带一路"不断走深走实助力非洲的减贫和工业化进程持续推进,为提升新时代南南合作水平及推动国际对非合作发挥了有力的引领和示范作用。     

A tango by two superpowers: China-US cooperation in trilateral aid and implications for their bilateral relations

The US-China relationship continues to be characterized by both competition and cooperation in recent years. Cooperation in the development sector is one little-known new aspect of such cooperation. This paper therefore examines why and how the two superpowers have undertaken cooperation in trilateral aid projects, and implications for bilateral relations. By tracing China-US policy engagement on development cooperation and examining their most recent trilateral aid project in the Asia-Pacific region, the paper argues that the US aims to use trilateral aid cooperation to engage with China and shape it into a responsible stakeholder, while China uses trilateral cooperation to build a cooperative image and facilitate the broad China-US relationship.     

上海合作组织框架内的能源合作

上海合作组织框架内的能源合作始于2003年。当时，国际恐怖主义成胁，一些能源生产国政局不稳，全球能源供应面临可能灾害，对亚太地区亦构成挑战。能源是上合组织框架内经济合作的重要内容。近年来，该组织国家间的能源合作取得一些进展。可是，由于国情及其在国际市场上的利益不同，合作尚存在能源发展战略的差异，相互信任和理解不够，以及中亚能源资源面临大国竞争等问题。为此，本文提出了几点思考。     

上海合作组织扩员后的地区定位与合作格局

作为新地区主义的一种实践形式,上海合作组织成立后不断发展。上海合作组织坚持以“不干涉内政”原则为核心的主权规范,遵循“国家主义”发展路径。扩员之前,在应对安集延事件、吉尔吉斯斯坦政局动荡等地区安全与政治挑战的过程中,上海合作组织确立了以中亚为地缘安全中心的地区定位。在开展各领域合作的进程中,上海合作组织秉持协商一致的原则,其内部形成了“大国引领、中小国家平等参与”的合作格局。扩员之后,上海合作组织继续遵循“国家主义”发展路径,但其地区定位与内部合作格局出现了新变化。印度和巴基斯坦的加入,使中亚的地缘安全中心地位相对下降,以中亚为重心、南亚为重要延伸成为上海合作组织新的地区定位。印度和巴基斯坦两国的加入,还增加了上海合作组织内部合作格局的复杂性,使“大国引领”的合作格局面临深刻转型,“中小国家平等参与”的合作格局也在发生演变。目前,上海合作组织处于发展转型的十字路口,其发展面临的不确定性需要给予更多关注。     

中美在中东和中亚地区的反恐合作——在求索中前进

中美两国在中东和中亚地区进行反恐合作既符合本国国内发展的需要,也是促进两国在不存在竞争的领域实现合作、建立互信的重要方式。由于中美两国的政治体制和价值观念不同,两国对恐怖主义的界定存在分歧。但是,中美两国都需要贸易安全、全球经济健康发展、以市场价确保相互之间能源出口,以及与世界其他伙伴国家的能源出口安全运行。高于一切的战略利益能够促使两国在可能的领域开展合作,并且避免出现任何形式的对抗。因此,在现有合作的基础上,加强在情报、外交及海上反恐等方面的合作,将援助转化成反恐的手段。在反恐合作的过程中,两国应始终坚持求同存异的方针,寻求更好的结果。     

Solidarity forever? ABC,ALBA and South–South Cooperation in Haiti

The growing influence of the global South in international affairs has prompted a passionate discussion about the role of South–South cooperation (SSC). SSC is sometimes uncritically portrayed as a uniform phenomenon that presents a superior alternative to North–South Cooperation (NSC). To problematise and deepen our knowledge about SSC, this article examines the intriguing case of Haiti, which has seen a wealth of SSC cooperation since the international intervention in 2004. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, the study compares the approaches of two distinct Southern groupings working in Haiti: Argentina, Brazil and Chile (the so-called ABC countries) and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA) led by Venezuela. We argue that ABC and ALBA display marked differences and that, while their approaches have distinct strengths and weaknesses, they do not necessarily represent a fundamental improvement over NSC.     

Can alternative service delivery save cities after the Great Recession? Barriers to privatisation and cooperation

ABSTRACT

Cities continue to face fiscal challenges after the Great Recession and alternative service delivery is being emphasised as a solution. How promising is alternative service delivery as a solution and what are its barriers? Regression analyses using 2012 survey data of US local governments show that local governments manage procedural barriers, but structural barriers of economy and demography hinder privatisation and cooperation. Places with a housing bust (measured as decline in home values) can use privatisation, but not places with more or increased poverty. Cooperation is more promising for places with increased poverty, but lack of a willing partner hinders this spatially constrained tool. Neither cooperation nor privatisation is promising for places with low home values. State governments must level the playing field for localities with weak economies if market approaches to service delivery are the main tools for local governments to survive fiscal stress.     

Sources of Civic Engagement in Latin America: Empirical Evidence from Rural Ecuadorian Communities

The concept of civic engagement has greatly influenced the policy-making process in the field of development cooperation. However, in contrast to a vast quantity of empirical studies for the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)–world, there is only little knowledge with respect to developing countries. Using Ecuadorian rural communities as an example, this paper analyses socioeconomic, political and cultural sources of civic engagement with multivariate regression analyses, which demonstrate that volunteering strongly depends on the cultural tradition. Additionally, the empirical results show that a pure application of the theoretical assumptions and operationalisations from the OECD–world is misleading, when analysing social processes in developing countries.     

South–South cooperation and the international development battlefield: between the oecd and the UN

This article discusses the transformation in development architecture, focusing on the role of emerging powers and the growing relevance of South–South cooperation (ssc). Drawing on a conceptual toolkit based on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, it aims to approach ssc as a narrative and to understand the processes of contestation that have turned international development into a battlefield since the end of the 1990s. The article argues that the emergence of ssc has contributed to decentring the field of international development, both in terms of the agents authorised to play and the practices considered legitimate. Within this process the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation, led by the oecd’s Development Assistance Committee, and the United Nations Development Cooperation Forum have become two sites on the battlefield on which the borders of international development are being redrawn.     

Development cooperation and post-colonial critique: an investigation into the South Korean model

Abstract

With the rise of the South–South Development Cooperation (SSDC), the international development community has entered into a new paradigm of development cooperation. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development – Development Assistance Committee (OECD-DAC) has had to consider what recently added members might have to offer, particularly South Korea given its dramatic transformation from official development assistance (ODA) recipient to donor. Post-colonial theory sees ODA as a system that reinforces the traditional hierarchy of North–South relations and reaffirms the hegemony of dominant countries; the SSDC has faced similar neo-colonial allegations. By employing post-colonial theory this paper investigates some neo-­colonial criticisms of the ODA activities of major OECD-DAC and SSDC providers, before turning its focus on those of South Korea to determine whether it does indeed offer an alternative strategy to development. The African region was chosen as the focus in light of the increased amount of aid South Korea has allocated to the region. This paper concludes by offering a different role South Korea might play engaging within the OECD-DAC/SSDC context.     

Public perceptions of India’s role as an international development cooperation partner: domestic responses to rising ‘donor’ visibility

The literature on South–South Development Cooperation (ssdc) has grown exponentially in the past few years. One focus of analysis has been how domestic institutions and agendas shape the approaches to development cooperation of different Southern partners. However, few analysts to date have commented on how the ‘ordinary’ general public of these countries might perceive or assess their country’s role in international development. Through a study based on interviews and media analysis, this paper attempts to tease out the slim evidence currently available on ‘public’ attitudes in India, concentrating, for reasons explained, exclusively on elites and ‘middle classes’. It argues that, while some domestic criticism will certainly accompany the growing visibility of Indian development cooperation, the attractive blend of discursive positioning and material benefits may provide the Indian government with broad support for its growing investment and profile in international development, or at least offset a degree of criticism. At present there appears to be little public discussion about whether and how India’s external role relates to domestic poverty, or the nature of growth and ‘development’ that India is helping to stimulate in partner countries. The paper also discusses ‘boundary making’ with China through the public construction of Indian development cooperation.