菲律宾比索的汇率走势及成因探析

亚洲金融危机后,菲律宾以低汇率促进经济复苏,之后由于美国经济衰退、国际油价持续飙升以及菲不安定的国内因素,比索一路走低.在世界经济逐渐好转和菲经济改革形成良好预期的带动下,比索在2006年表现出强烈的反弹,其后便升势不断.近期全球性金融危机摧毁了菲律宾的美好前景,美国经济不振影响菲对外出口是菲律宾陷入衰退的重要原因,菲面临的国内外环境更加复杂,高通胀、高失业率、高贫困率都将促使比索未来一段时期内持续呈现跌势.     

金融危机对德国经济与社会的影响以及德国的对策

肇始于美国的金融危机对德国的经济、社会产生了严重的冲击。在发达国家中，德国属于受冲击程度中等的国家。具体表现为：相较于关英，金融危机对实体经济的影响重于金融；对投资的冲击先于消费；出口和制造业受累较重；总体经济受冲击的程度低于美英，但随着时间推移而逐渐加深。这是德国的制度安排、经济结构、社会发展、改革和欧盟的影响等因素所造成的。本文在就危机对德冲击的路径、影响表现以及成因进行分析的基础上，介绍了德国政府的应对举措和思路，并对危机背景下德国经济的复苏前景进行了预测分析。     

奥巴马政府的二十国集团战略评析

源起于美国的金融危机对于美国政府的内外政策产生了重要影响,推动经济尽快复苏成为奥巴马政府的优先议程。承认二十国集团在世界经济和国际社会的重要地位,与二十国集团合作,是美国化解其金融危机和确保经济复苏的关键战略措施之一。奥巴马政府的二十国集团战略有多重动因,最终目的是利用这一新兴的全球治理平台,维护其在国际金融领域的主导地位,进而维持其在全球的霸权地位。     

危机的理论与理论的危机

本文介绍正统派与其他各种不同经济学派关于1997年东亚金融危机的生成根源的观点,展示各种经济学派对IMF休克拯救方案以及东亚经济复苏政策的不同看法,探索东亚金融危机对经济发展理论的影响。     

韩国经济国际地位快速提升的原因分析

2008年全球金融危机爆发后，相对于世界其他国家，韩国较早地实现了经济的复苏。并在后金融危机时代，成功化危为机，使其家电、汽车等优势产业迅速地扩大了全球市场份额，抢占了市场竞争点。本文将从宏观与微观的角度，研究近期韩国经济在国际上地位得以提升的原因。     

后金融危机时期欧美经济复苏差异比较——以金融结构为视角

本文以金融危机前欧美经济增长趋同性为切入点,在实证分析欧美后金融危机时期经济复苏表现差异化的同时,通过对欧美金融结构差异的数据对比,解释了德国经济表现的例外性;同时分析了美国市场化融资模式对于美国经济复苏的促进作用,指出欧洲缺乏现代市场化融资机制,而以银行为主的融资模式,使其在债务危机发生时对经济体产生了负面影响,并可能使央行的货币政策失灵。文章认为,富有弹性、多层次、市场化的融资模式对于一个经济体的稳定与经济增长十分重要,而欧洲金融模式结构缺陷将使欧洲经济复苏缓慢而痛苦。     

亚洲金融危机透视及相应对策

今年七月由泰国所爆发的金融危机在短短几个月内逐步演化为一场亚洲金融危机，其引起了世界各国的极大关注。本文利用系统经济学的思想方法对这场金融危机从实物经济与符合经济的背离以及区域国际经济系统的系统性风险两个方面进行剖析，在此基础上提出了对我国防范金融危机的两点启示     

高科技中、小企业在东南亚经济复苏中的作用及其发展战略探析

东南亚金融危机自爆发至今,已经将近两年了,但各国在经济调整的过程中困难重重,经济复苏仍然难见天日。彻底而有效地优化经济结构,重振东南亚国家和地区的经济,既迫在眉睫,又任重道远。本文试图从不同规模的企业在东南亚经济危机及复苏进程中的利弊分析,强调大力发展高科技中小企业以刺激经济复苏的重要性,并对政府扶持高科技中小企业的发展提出一些战略性思考     

菲律宾华人财团的现状及发展趋势

菲律宾华人财团的现状及发展趋势饶志明·近些年来，随着菲律宾经济的复苏和政局渐趋稳定，菲律宾华人财团的投资活动日趋活跃，集团规模及经营领域不断扩大。鉴于菲华财团在菲国内经济发展中起着越来越重要的作用，本文试图对其形成、经营状况、现有实力及发展趋势等方面...     

泰国金融危机纵横谈

泰国金融危机纵横谈张良民今年７月初以来，经济增长速度最快和最富有活力的东南亚国家，经历了一场前所未有金融危机，这是自１９９５年墨西哥货币危机以来最严重的金融动荡，令世界瞩目，引起了许多国家的严重关注和深思。这场金融危机始于泰国。７月２日，泰国中央银行...     

A tide that does not lift all boats: the surge of remittances in post-disaster recovery in Tacloban City,Philippines

For the last forty years, remittances have been a lifeline for some Filipinos in times of crisis as well as everyday life. So, it was no surprise when the media and nongovernmental organizations credited the Philippine diaspora with playing a significant role in post-disaster recovery after Typhoon Haiyan/Yolanda struck in 2013. While remittances poured in after this disaster, they were differently experienced, had different impacts, and led to uneven post-disaster outcomes. This article highlights the class-based inequalities that structure access to and mobilization of remittances after post-disaster recovery. We compare the experiences of middle- and lower-class households in three communities heavily affected by Haiyan in Tacloban City, Philippines, to investigate who benefitted and who was excluded from remittances in this post-disaster recovery. The findings of the case study shed light on wider issues of poverty, class, and vulnerability in the Philippines.     

2011年菲律宾经济、政治与外交形势回顾

2011年的菲律宾,经济总体表现不如预期;在国内政治方面,政府三权之间冲突不断引发宪政危机。此外,政府与国内分裂势力之间的谈判进展也不顺利,和解之路依然任重道远。外交方面,对外关系处于急剧变动时期,菲中关系喜忧参半,菲美、菲日关系急剧升温。     

菲律宾的业务流程外包与信息产业:发展、动因及前景

菲律宾的业务流程外包与信息产业(BPO-IT)近年来得到了迅猛发展,成为拉动菲律宾经济增长、增加就业机会和缓解贫困的引擎.本文介绍BPO-IT产业在菲律宾的发展及其对经济的贡献;探析支持该产业在菲律宾快速增长的外部推力与内在动因;分析菲律宾的竞争与比较优势,预测BPO-IT产业在菲律宾的发展前景.     

Struggles for land and livelihood

Abstract

Scholars, policy practitioners, and political activists alike have had difficulty grappling with the complex dynamics that have unfolded over the past decade and a half in Philippine banana plantations in the context of the 1988 agrarian reform law. While some focus their attention exclusively on land redistribution issues, others concentrate on the modalities of contract farming and still others emphasize trade union issues — all to the neglect of underlying agrarian dynamics. Relatively few have attempted a more integrated examination of developments in this sector of the Philippine economy. The still-limited availability of studies of land-reform-related experiences in agribusiness plantations outside the Philippines further constrains our understanding of the issues arising in Philippine plantations. This article tries to build on and deepen previous attempts at understanding the complex and confusing dynamics involving the banana elite, the state, and various segments of organized farmworkers and to fill in an important gap in the literature, using an integrated, rights-based, and process-oriented historical-institutional approach. It cites two reasons for an unexpectedly contingent land reform process in commercial banana farms in the Philippines: (1) the surprisingly unsettled character of the prevailing political-legal institutional environment within which land and livelihood struggles are playing out, and (2) the diverse perceptions among farmworkers of the meaning and purpose of, and opportunity for, land reform.     

中菲“美济礁”争端

“美济礁”问题是中国和菲律宾两国关系中最为敏感的因素 ,今年 5月 2 5日菲律宾军舰在美济礁附近海域撞沉中国渔船以后 ,两国关系骤然紧张。本文通过大量的事实 ,论述以下几方面的问题 :1.菲律宾对美济礁提出领土要求的过程 ;2 .从国际法的角度阐述美济礁主权归属我国是不容置疑的事实 ;3 .分析菲律宾在美济礁争端上所采用的外交策略 ;4 .中菲两国对美济礁问题的态度。在这些事实的基础上 ,笔者认为菲律宾政府在美济礁问题上挑起事端是一种缺乏远见的行为 ,只有维护美济礁及其附近海域的稳定才符合中菲两国的长远利益。     

从马科斯统治下的电信业看菲律宾与美国的依附关系

在马科斯统治时期 ,菲律宾依靠世界银行的资助大力发展电信业。但是发展后的电信业只是加强了菲律宾跨国传播的能力 ,而并没有解决人们对电信业的基本需要。同时 ,世界银行的贷款导致菲律宾在政治和经济对美国的依赖。本文试图从依附理论的角度探讨这种依附关系对国家发展和人民生活的不良影响。     

The Philippines Discovers its Maritime Domain: The Aquino Administration’s Shift in Strategic Focus from Internal to Maritime Security

With China’s naval expansion in the South China Sea, the Philippine government has eased up its counter-insurgency/counter-terrorism campaign and has vigorously pursued instead the modernization of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) particularly in developing the deterrence capability of the Philippine Navy (PN). However, slow-paced and hampered by scant resources, the naval build-up will hardly deter China’s encroachment on the Philippine maritime territory. Faced with this predicament, the Philippines has resorted to forging new security partnerships with the United States and Japan, two major naval powers in East Asia. The paper concludes that maritime security will remain the Philippines’ priority concern way into the third decade of the 21st century.     

Source material on Philippine revolutionary movements

Abstract

For the American Asian scholar, the research and writing of Philippine history is still in its virginal stages. Both in the United States and in the Philippines itself the study of that history has progressed little deeper than the officially-expressed record, in which the viewpoint of dominant interests has prevailed. Neglected in particular have been the revolutionary forces and movements that have played such a central part in the Philippines for the past century.     

American neo-colonialism in the Philippines

Abstract

This is one of those rare books that are small in size but heavy in substance and should be read and studied widely. It presents a well-documented indictment of American neocolonialist imperialism in the Philippines since its independence in 1946. Several earlier works have described in detail the classical form of American imperialism in the Philippines through military conquest and direct colonial rule and have helped suggest a close parallel between the conduct of the Philippine-American war and the American-Vietnamese war. However, America's continuing, pervasive domination of Philippine national life since 1946 has not been well appreciated except by a few perceptive and persistent observers of the Philippine scene. The neocolonial status of the Philippines in relation to the United States has generally remained concealed behind the facade of Philippine “independence” and “sovereignty.” Filipino presidents and other members of the Philippine establishment have helped hide the truth by proclaiming pro-Americanism as the cornerstone of their policy. President Manuel Roxas in 1946 not only vindicated American rule over the Philippines by expressing gratitude for Dewey's victory over the Spanish forces in 1898, but also affirmed close alignment with the United States in foreign affairs. This has meant that not only did the Philippines refuse to affirm Afro-Asian solidarity but, worse, it often took a simulated “initiative” in putting forth proposals designed to subserve American cold war interests. One example was the proposed Pacific Pact of 1950, calculated to stem Chinese communist “expansion.” Close alignment with the United States discredited the Philippines as odd-man-out in Asia. In the Philippines itself, the perpetuation of American dominance had tragic effects for the Filipino people and the Philippine nation-state. Foreign observers, especially from non-aligned countries, were puzzled and angered by the pro-Americanism of Philippine foreign policy. Filipinos themselves vented their frustration and fury in an intellectual, nationalist outburst against the lingering “colonial mentality.”     

Alienation and labor export in the context of globalization

Beginning the early 1970s the Philippine government embarked on labor export as a development strategy to deal with its debt crisis, largely a consequence of structural adjustment policies imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Labor export has since become a major feature of globalization in the Philippines. This article argues that Philippine labor export in the context of globalization creates sites of and resistance to alienation. It examines the different forms of alienation that Filipino migrant domestic workers — who comprise the bulk of Philippine export labor — experience, drawing on qualitative/ethnographic data from fieldwork conducted in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Vancouver, Rome, and Chicago. Viewing alienation as a dialectic, the article examines various forms of alienation—familial alienation, commodification of migrant/export labor, political and cultural alienation — and discusses the different ways that migrant domestic workers deal with them. Situating its analysis within the interlocking aspects of experience-context-resistance, the article shows how these forms of alienation are structurally/contextually produced and contested, with careful sensitivity to the complexity in tackling the root causes of alienation in the context of neoliberal globalization.