The Changing Limits and the Limits of Change: the state,private firms,international industry and China in the evolution of Taiwan's electronics industry

This paper examines the changing role of the state and private enterprise in Taiwan's electronics industry as the industry responds to growth of intra-firm capabilities and the rise of China as a manufacturing base. The industry has a sharp dichotomous outcome between the technologically strong IC sector, which has been able to create interdependence with global lead firms, and the systems manufacturing firms, which find themselves trapped in a dependent position vis-à-vis the global lead firms. Due to different positions in global value chains, the IC industry firms have been better able to create advantages out of the opportunities of new firm capabilities and China than the systems firms even as the balance of policy has shifted somewhat away from the state and towards private enterprise.     

The Portuguese Appeasement Policy in Macau's Church and State Relations

For the last four centuries, under the policy of the Portuguese Padroado1454, the Macau Catholic Church has been closely associated with the Portuguese rulers of Macau in governing this ‘Chinese territory under the Portuguese rule’. This church–state relationship in Macau before the Chinese takeover (1999) and after has become a client–patron relationship under the shadow of the Portuguese appeasement policy. In the context of the appeasement policy, this paper aims at discussing: (1) the close alliance between the Portuguese government and the Catholic Church in Macau, offering special privileges and convenience to the Church but weakening church capacity in evangelization and spiritual leadership; and (2) the interactions of the three actors in the triangular relationship among the Vatican, China and Macau.     

How Do Weaker States Hedge? Unpacking ASEAN states’ alignment behavior towards China

The extant literature on alignment behavior has focused primarily on the macro dimensions, i.e. the typology, manifestations and implications of states’ alignment choices vis-à-vis the great power(s). Relatively few studies have examined the micro aspects of alignment choices. This article attempts to fill in the gap by unpacking the constituent component of weaker states’ alignment decisions, with a focus on ASEAN states’ hedging behavior in the face of a rising China in the post-Cold War era. It contends that the enduring uncertainty at the systemic level has compelled the states to hedge by pursuing contradictory, mutually counteracting transactions of ‘returns-maximizing’ and ‘risk-contingency’ options, which seek to offset the potential drawbacks of one another, as a way to project a non-taking-sides stance while keeping their own fallback position at a time when the prospect of power structure is far from clear.     

The Sway of Geopolitics,Economic Interdependence and Cultural Identity: why are some Asians more favorable toward China's rise than others?

This article identifies the explanatory sources of Asians' perceptions about China's rise. The authors try to decipher the relative importance of individual-level explanatory variables such as socio-economic satisfaction, cognitive schema, and ideology and political values vis-à-vis that of the country-level structural variables such as geopolitical tension, economic interdependence and cultural identity. The empirical findings suggest that the growing perception that China has the most influence in Asia is more related to individual-level demographic variables which are associated with greater interest in political affairs, despite the fact that there is also some evidence that contextual factors related to economic interdependence also matter. A favorable perception of China's influence, on the other hand, is more associated with a less negative orientation on geopolitical and cultural factors, which both involve long-term historical memory and political feelings. Economic interdependence might engender adversarial feelings against China if the level of interdependence is high enough to cause economic vulnerability.     

The 2001 Legislative Assembly Elections and Political Development in Macau

The objective of this article is to analyze the major trends in post-1999 Macau's political development as evidenced by the evolving role of its legislature as well as the 2001 legislative elections. The article argues that (1) the Macau Special Administrative Region (MSAR) political system, thanks to the constitutional design of its Basic Law and the political convention inherited from the former Portuguese administration, is dominated by the executive branch of power or an ‘executive-led’ system; (2) the dramatic win by the Association for New Democratic Macau in the direct elections does not suggest a breakthrough in Macau's democratization process because altogether the pro-democracy groups won less than one-third of the total votes; (3) Macau is ruled by a conservative pro-Beijing power elite comprising prominent local businesspeople and leaders of the labour unions and neighbourhood associations; and (4) a new political convention that the MSAR government, though not popularly elected, is accountable to the Macau citizens seems to be emerging. In any event, democratization in Macau is likely to be a very long and gradual process.     

Competing Realities in China–India Multilateral Discourse: Asia's enduring power rivalry

Asymmetric growth in foreign policy dynamics and power posture between China and India at the regional level is the new contour of current Asian politics. One vital aspect of it is the multilateral power politics or engagement through which rising powers connect and integrate with regional vis-à-vis global conditions in order to contend and compete with each other's strategic interests and primacy. This Asian rendezvous is part and parcel of the rhetoric of liberalist sentiments, which realistically do not work in favor of the developing countries' relationships. The history of the China–India bilateral discourse suggests that. In today's context, the increasing multilateral engagement between the two countries is a potential medium for denying space and holding an edge over each other's priority of acquiring assorted global resources, forming an Asian and a global identity, and notably in securing respective national strategic objectives. Current foreign policy contours of both countries are quite different from the previous order and politics. The boundary will continue to be the fundamental problem in their bilateral discourse, while the Asian discourse of Sino–Indian multilateral politics will be decided by their competition and power rivalry in resources and identity.     

Taiwan's Foreign Policy and Africa: The limitations of dollar diplomacy

The search for status, or more correctly, the desire to maintain status, lies at the heart of the Republic of China on Taiwan's (ROC) foreign policy. This is particularly so vis-a ¤ -vis its official state-to-state relations. In this regard, the ROC has been constrained by a conscious policy by the People's Republic of China (PRC) to try and marginalize Taiwan on the international stage. Due to objective realities, Taiwan has had to become satisfied with maintaining official state relations with small states only. All, with the exception of the Vatican, are in the developing world, with a number in Africa. This paper examines Taiwanese foreign policy and its diplomatic initiatives, with particular reference to its use of 'dollar diplomacy' in its activities in Africa. The constraints and limitations of such policies are drawn out.     

Organizational Formations of Organized Crime in China: perspectives from the state,markets, and networks

Chinese lawmakers and law-enforcers have viewed the hierarchical structure as the defining feature of organized criminal organizations. Such a flawed framework has hampered China's recent efforts to fight organized crime. Based upon organization theory, this paper argues that by adapting to the changing institutional environment, Chinese criminal forces have chosen a variety of organizational structures ranging from hierarchy to the market and the network. The recently uncovered cases point out that networks have become a more popular organizational form than the traditional hierarchies (such as secret societies) and contractual relationships in illicit markets. By offering a classification of organizational formations of organized crime in today's China, the author suggests network analysis as a new tool to help China's law enforcement effectively respond to surging organized crime.     

Domestic Institutional Constraints on China's Leadership in East Asian Economic Cooperation Mechanisms

The study of Chinese foreign policy has long shown that domestic politics and domestic constraints are sources of foreign policy, albeit generally considered less potent than ideology and interests. Domestic political constraints should also be explored as factors in Chinese regional policies toward East Asia, including regional economic institutions. This paper examines three domestic institutional constraints on regional foreign policy in the area of trade and economics: a fragmented decision-making structure that has difficulty with coordination, a relatively heavy reliance on top level decision-makers at a time when issues of Asian economic policy have relatively low priority for these same decision-makers, and the relatively extreme lack of autonomy for negotiators vis-á-vis top decision-makers in Beijing. These constraints are by any means unique to China. However, at a time when many observers and participants are expecting—indeed, often hoping for—Chinese leadership in the region, the paper posits that these constraints hinder the PRC's ability to fill this role. The key empirical focus is regional trade agreements and regional economic organizations.     

Interest Group Politics in Macau after Handover

After the handover of sovereignty in 1999 and the exit of the Portuguese administration, pro-Beijing and pro-government interest groups formed by local Chinese dominated Macau's political landscape. The major interest groups may be classified into three clusters: business organizations, labour unions, and neighbourhood groups. This paper examines the significance of interest groups in the enclave's politics and argues that their political power was from extensive grassroots support they received as well as Beijing's united front policies, the government's co-optation strategy, and the quasi-democratic political system. These interest groups also replaced the governor and under-secretaries to become the core of the patron-client networks in the political arena. This paper contends that the changing socio-economic environment, along with the advent of foreign casino investors, will gradually turn social support away from the interest groups and undercut their political influence. Balancing their pro-government stance and their role as representatives of their constituencies will therefore become increasingly difficult.     

Business as usual: The dynamics of government‐business relations in the Hong Kong special administrative region

This is an attempt to evaluate the implications of Hong Kong's political transition to post‐colonial rule for economic governance in the SAR beyond the ‘Beijing versus Hong Kong’ perspective. The article examines the changing government‐business dynamics in Hong Kong after the reversion by focusing on three inter‐related dimensions: economic ideology; institutional and policy framework; and the new political environment in post‐colonial Hong Kong. By challenging the assertion that Hong Kong is returning to the pre‐Patten colonial order under Chinese management, it argues that economic governance in Hong Kong has always been more complex than has been characterized in the literature. A conceptual framework incorporating the dynamic interplay of domestic and international factors is needed to comprehend the changing nature of government‐business relationships in the SAR.     

从一则案例看开设赌场罪的司法认定及立法完善

赌博作为一饱受诟病的不良文化现象,一直受到社会各界的关注。法学、社会学等理论领域和刑事司法实务界对禁止赌博、赌博行为入罪处罚的研究也从未停止。但现有的法律规定和理论研究在如何界定开设赌场罪及开设赌场罪的共犯等问题上仍存在分歧,司法实践中对此类犯罪的认定处理也不统一。拟从一则案例入手,分析开设赌场罪的司法认定,并提出对开设赌场犯罪的立法完善意见。     

俄罗斯社会转型对有组织犯罪发展的影响

20世纪90年代末至21世纪初,俄罗斯有组织犯罪受国家历史变革和转型影响,成为社会特有的政治经济现象。政权、社会政治经济改革对其特征形成产生重要作用,从而使俄罗斯有组织犯罪从过去暴力型为主转向带有浓重经济色彩的政权参与的犯罪类型,进而反映出国家变革与俄罗斯有组织犯罪发展的特殊关系。     

Hong Kong joins the National People's Congress: A first test for one country with two political systems

Before its reversion to Chinese sovereignty in July 1997, Hong Kong was preoccupied with safeguarding its autonomy while China insisted on keeping separate the two political systems of Hong Kong and the mainland. Toward these ends, everyone focused on Hong Kong's own governing councils and ignored its future status within China's congress system. Not until the December 1997 deadline approached for naming Hong Kong's delegation to the March 1998 meeting of China's new Ninth National People's Congress, did the full implications of this oversight become apparent. Hence, the institutional channels whereby the two systems must interact are actually rooted in the reforming structure of China's congress system. Delegate selection in Hong Kong revealed a new ‘bridging’ function whereby the two legislative systems are linked through the old organization tactic of concurrent membership. The bridging function also illuminates previously unheralded features of Hong Kong's new post‐1997 government, as a replica and appendage of China's people's congress network.     

Introduction: The Basic Law,Governance and Electoral Politics in China's Hong Kong and Macao since 1997

1 July 2007 marks the tenth anniversary of Hong Kong's retrocession to Chinese sovereignty to become a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the PRC. The HKSAR has functioned under the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ framework as enshrined in the Basic Law, its mini-constitution. Upon the resumption of Chinese jurisdiction over Macao on 20 December 1999, a similar ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula also came into effect for the new MSAR under its Basic Law. The ‘One Country, Two Systems’ formula that guarantees a high degree of autonomy in both Hong Kong and Macao is also a cornerstone of the PRC's strategy toward peaceful reunification with Taiwan. To provide a more balanced and informed understanding of these two Chinese SARs in actualizing the ‘One Country, Two Systems’ model, this special section of four articles adopts a bi-focal approach. On the one hand, it presents in a joint article the views of two leading mainland Chinese legal scholars (Professors Geping Rao and Zhenmin Wang, both National People's Congress Hong Kong Basic Law Committee members) on some vital dimensions of the Basic Law. On the other hand, it offers three articles with a more locally anchored perspective—a comparative analysis (by Professor Sonny Lo) of the contrasting HKSAR and MSAR experiences, and two case studies (by Professors Bruce Kwong and Eilo Yu) that highlight key features of patron–client linkages and informal politics dynamics in HKSAR and MSAR elections and politics.     

China's Foreign Military Relations with Asia‐Pacific

The People's Liberation Army has always had a significant role in shaping and implementing the People's Republic of China's foreign policies. Over the past two decades, the PLA's role has increased considerably, and is likely to become even more important in the future as China develops its military capabilities and casts a broader shadow in the Asia‐Pacific region. The PLA's foreign relations program has several goals: to shape the international security environment in support of key Chinese national security objectives; to improve political and military relations with foreign countries; to enhance China's military and defense industry modernization; to provide military assistance to countries in the developing world; and, to acquire knowledge in modern military doctrine, operations, training, military medicine, administration, and a host of non-combat related areas. The PLA seeks to accomplish these goals through its military attache´ offices abroad and the use of an elaborate system of bilateral exchanges. Of these programs, the most visible relations involve high-level visits, functional exchanges, arms purchases, and ship visits.     

中国内地与澳门刑法中共同犯罪人分类比较研究

对共同犯罪人进行分类最终是为了解决如何对各共同犯罪人定罪量刑。中国澳门地区刑法和内地刑法关于共同犯罪人分类标准的差异决定了共同犯罪人类型的差异。相比之下，后者的分类方法更有利于正确量刑，但是两种分类方法对于如何对各共同犯罪人定罪都没有提供明确的解决办法，个中深层原因在于对共同犯罪究竞是一罪还是数罪的认识尚未明确，借鉴“行为支配理论”有益于解决上述问题。     

An intermediary: The Chinese perception of trade unions since the 1980s

In the 1980s and 1990s, the Chinese, departing from the Maoist perception of trade unions as a state bureaucratic agency without even minimum autonomy, have redefined trade unions as an intermediary with double roles: to link workers and the state bureaucracy by playing the role of a transmission belt and to link workers and the management or employers by acting as a mediator. In both cases, trade unions were recognized as workers’ legitimate representatives with high degree of organizational autonomy. Such a perception suggests that the Chinese acknowledged the limits of state power in the face of an increasingly complex society and the necessity to allow intermediary organizations such as trade unions to share the state's powers in some new social and economic areas. Therefore, it may mean an expansion of societal power vis‐a‐vis state power.     

Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Regional Identity Formation from the Perspective of the Central Asia States

This paper reviews the perceptions of the CA states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) towards the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and conceptualises the CA states' motivations and concerns in engaging in cooperation within the SCO vis-à-vis China. The message that this paper aims to deliver is that, for the majority of the CA leadership and public, China within the SCO represents the CA states' ‘other’, with decolonising but increasingly dominating features. These perceptions of China in the CA region elucidate the ways in which China's involvement in Central Asia has a paradoxical and contradictory impact on the potential for the SCO to move beyond functionalism and towards the creation of a broader SCO identity. Consequently, the future of the SCO may be more limited than the West fears and Central Asia hopes.     

Hong Kong's policy possibilities and directions toward the mainland‐Taiwan conflict

On 1 July 1997, Hong Kong was returned from British colonial rule to Chinese rule under the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The change in political status of Hong Kong has great impacts on the triangular relationship between Hong Kong, the mainland and Taiwan, in which the mainland and Taiwan are still in a state of intense political conflict and competition. This paper examines the policy possibilities and directions for Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region of the PRC in handling its relations with Taiwan. It argues that both Beijing and Taipei want to preserve the existing Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations for political and practical purposes but at the same time will try to avoid being forced into a suspected political trap—for Beijing the recognition of Taiwan as an independent political entity and for Taipei the subordination of Taiwan to PRC sovereignty. Between these two baselines, the paper points out that Hong Kong should pursues its own Taiwan policy built upon the interests of Hong Kong and depoliticization of Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations.