中越边界问题研究述略

中越边界问题，主要包括陆地边界、北部湾边界和中越南海争端3个方面的内容。其中，对于中越陆地边界问题的研究，国内学者开始最早。自中法会勘中越边界以来，国内学者就已经开始对中越陆地边界进行研究，并有大量研究著述面世。进入20世纪30年代以后，面对法国（以越南的名义）对中国南海的入侵，国内学者又开始对中法（越）南海争端问题进行研究，其研究在新中国成立前20多年的时间里亦成果颇丰。     

中越边境贸易史略

中国越南山水相连,关系悠久,自古以来交往频繁。中越贸易在双方关系史上起过重要的作用,其中中越边境贸易尤其与两国边境地区的人民生活与经济文化发展息息相关。中越边境贸易具有自己的特点与有利条件。首先,中越两国有漫长的陆海边界,陆地边界线长1347公里,其中广西段(东段)长637公里,云南段(西段)长710公里。陆界东段近     

中越边境大排雷全面告捷──给边贸发展带来新契机

中国、越南，山连山、水连水。但是，在中国真正与越南山水相连的只有南端的广西。广西与越南既有陆地边界，也有海上边界。中越边境广西段东起东兴市北仑河入海口，西至那坡县各达山，绵延６３７公里。就在这六百多公里的边境线上，广西边民２０多年来一直被远隔在雷区之外，他们谈雷色变。众所周知，２０年前的对越自卫反击战中，中越双方都在边境布下各种地雷１００多万枚，形成３００多片雷区，面积达３０００万平方米。虽然，战争硝烟已经散尽了，但地雷的死亡幽灵仍徘徊在中、越边境上，给边民的生产和生活带来许多不便。为了解决广西…     

援越抗法时期中越关系研究述评

有关援越抗法时期中越关系研究的档案、回忆录在中国、苏联、越南等相关国家得到大量解密和出版,研究素材得以极大丰富。研究方面,研究者对中越建交、边界战役、奠边府战役、日内瓦会议等相关议题进行了深入研究。但在胡志明访华及援越抗法时期中越的政治、经济联系等相关领域的研究仍显不足,有进一步深入的余地。     

扭转越南乾坤的一役：边界战役

今年是越南抗法(越中)边界战役胜利50周年.50年前,为了打破被卷土重来的法国殖民者压迫在越南西北一隅,四面包围的局面,越南民主共和国请求中国派出军事顾问团协助作战,打开中越边界,以获得新中国的支持和援助.毛泽东点拨神机妙算,陈赓临阵指挥果断……     

18世纪中越边境贸易中的入越华商

中越边境贸易在18世纪达到一个高峰,早期以越人来商为主的情况发生变化,华商入越成为主流。入越华商主要由广西、云南边境地区的本土边民和其他外省商人构成,他们在中越贸易的过程中,逐渐当地化。华商的贸易活动对中越两国的经济社会发展均产生了深刻影响。     

中越经贸关系为何发展相对滞后

在中越经济都迅速发展，两国政治关系发展顺利的情况下，中越经贸关系却发展相对滞后。本文认为两国经济既存在互补性又存在竞争性，而互补性是主要的，中越经济之间的竞争性不是造成中越经贸关系相对滞后的主要原因。主要原因在于两国的贸易不平衡、中国优势产品在越市场开拓不利、中国在越投资有待提高等经济原因，以及中越关系中的“反国际经济政治化”等原因造成的。最后，提出我国推动中越经济关系的政策建议。     

中法勘界斗争与北部湾海域划界

1885年中法双方根据《中法越南条约》的规定 ,分别派出勘界大臣对中越陆上边界进行会勘。以邓承修为代表的中方使臣在勘定中越边界广西东段和防城段的过程中 ,坚持原则 ,不惧威胁 ,与法国殖民者展开了争取“瓯脱” ,改正原界和收回江平、黄竹、白龙尾的一系列斗争。在勘界后期 ,双方代表虽有对芒街附近沿海的岛屿归属作了划分 ,但根本无涉及北部湾的海域划界。因此 ,1887年中法界务专条提到的“红线” ,只能是芒街附近沿海的岛屿归属线 ,而不是北部湾海域的分界线     

1950~1979年间中越同盟中的苏联因素

20 世纪50～70 年代,中越同盟从形成、唇齿相依到最终的兵戎相见,主要源于两国对 各自国家利益的不同认知和在意识形态领域内的分歧,但在冷战和中苏同盟分裂的背景下,苏联的 外部作用也不容忽视。苏联的主要作用表现在：它在援越抗法时期促成了中国对越援助,是中越同 盟的促成者;它凭借对越南的大量援助,实施离间战略,致使越南日益离心中国,是中越同盟的离间 者;它依靠对越南的老挝政策、柬埔寨政策的支持,导致中越同盟完全破裂,是中越同盟的终结者。     

《中越边界历史资料选编》评介

由广西社会科学院副院长、研究员黄铮,广西社会科学院东南亚研究所研究员萧德浩主编的《中越边界历史资料选编》,已纳入中国社会科学院中国边疆史地研究中心主编的《中国边疆史地文库》,并由社会科学文献出版社于1993年12月公开出版发行。 该书是“六·五”国家社会科学规划项目《中越边界沿革史》和“七·五”广西社会科学规划重点项目的科研成果之一,是研究中越边界的形成、变迁、发展的重要资料,是从事边疆史地研究、外事、国土规划、边境管理,边防工作等等的一部有重要参考价值的工具书。它又是一     

中印边界问题研究综述

中印边界问题是中印关系发展中所面临的主要问题,由此而引发的1962年的中印边界战争,更是在国际冷战史上占有突出地位的重大事件之一,对当时和以后许多国家关系的演变产生了重要影响。这一问题现在引起了国内外学者越来越多的关注,围绕这一问题出现了大量研究成果。     

论澳巴海洋边界划分方法之特色及其对中日东海海域划界之借鉴意义

大陆架及专属经济区制度产生以来,相邻或相向沿海国的海域划界特别是其彼此的专属经济区(或专属渔区)与大陆架应统一还是分别划界问题之重要性日益凸显。独具特色的澳巴海域划界条约采用的划界方法,对中日关于东海海域划界冲突立场之协调富有借鉴意义,在东海中日争议海域,可以通过就大陆架和上覆水域分别划定界线并设立适当联合开发区来解决争端。     

南海局势与应对海洋法的新发展

今年以来,南海局势发生了很大变化。菲律宾国会通过了"领海基线法案",把中国的黄岩岛和南沙群岛部分岛礁划为菲律宾领土;马来西亚前总理巴达维登上南沙群岛的弹丸礁、光星仔礁宣示主权等。这些情况的出现与海洋法的新发展有着密切的联系。因此,如何应对海洋法的新发展就成了捍卫领土主权、维护合法海洋权益的关键。     

南海断续线的法律地位:历史性水域、疆域线、抑或岛屿归属线?

有关南海断续线的法律地位问题,向来为南海周边的东南亚国家所关注。本文列举了历史性水域、海上疆域线和岛屿归属线3种提法。通过研究和比较,认为把断续线作为岛屿归属线的提法,无论从断续线最初产生时的情况,或者后来在实际应用中所起的作用,似乎是可以认可的。     

Soft power,strategic narratives,and state identity: Re-assessing India-Afghanistan relations post-2011

In 2011, India and Afghanistan signed the Strategic Partnership Agreement that delimited cooperation in economic, social, political, and cultural areas. It depicted the rise of Indian soft power influence. However, the extent to which India garners strategic influence in Afghanistan through soft power remains contentious. This article contends that India’s soft power effectiveness in Afghanistan post-2011 can be fully grasped only via the construction and reception of India’s regional power identity negotiated at the sites of: “civilization,” “democracy,” and “economic-military” enabling India to provide a regional leadership that can forward both India and Afghanistan’s mutual interests. Examining soft power via the constructivist-discursive framework of collective identity strategic narrative, this article compares India-Afghanistan relations in periods 2011–14 and 2014–17. The former formalized strategic partnership agreement and the latter marked continuation of the agreement albeit through domestic political transitions in both countries. This article demonstrates that the Indian soft power influence in Afghanistan between 2014 and 2017 has increased markedly.     

The Transvaluation of Critique in the Anthropocene

This article considers the transvaluation of critique through the lens of the new affirmative critical approaches of the Anthropocene. The first section introduces the problematic of the Anthropocene as a new geological epoch and also as symptomatic of the end of modernist ontological and epistemological assumptions of the divide between culture and nature. The second section then highlights how the Anthropocene thesis poses a problem for critique through fundamentally decentring the human as subject and challenging the temporal claims of Enlightenment progress. The third section analyses the implications of this closure for critical approaches and the shift towards a more positive view of the present: no longer seeking to imagine alternative futures but rather drawing out alternative possibilities that already exist. Critique thus becomes additive, affirmative and constructive. The final section expands on this point and concludes with a consideration of how contemporary theoretical approaches articulate the transvaluation of critique.     

东南亚人境旅游市场分析

东南亚旅游业伴随着其经济的长足进步而越来越引人注目。东南亚各国和大多数发展中国家一样 ,在经济实力有限的情况之下选择了优先培育和发展国际入境旅游市场的方式 ,并以其独特的人文和自然旅游资源在世界旅游版图上占据重要地位。尤其是东南亚地区优越的地理位置带来的以热带气候与海岛特征为主体的三“S”(阳光、海水、沙滩)特色 ,更是成为这一地区在国际旅游市场的耀眼亮点。进入20世纪90年代以来 ,这一地区的入境旅游人数从1992年的21771581人次增长到2002年的43989010人次 ,翻番的速度只用了10来年的时间。2003年的入境旅游人数由于…     

Globalization: An Ascendant Paradigm?

International Studies is on the cusp of a debate between para-keepers , observers who are steadfast about maintaining the prevailing paradigms and deny that globalization offers a fresh way of thinking about the world, and para-makers , who bring into question what they regard as outmoded categories and claim to have shifted to an innovatory paradigm. This distinction is a heuristic that allows for various gradations and dynamic interactions between the keepers and the makers. It helps to identify anomalies in and discomfort with International Studies. Partly as a response to these problems, globalization studies has evolved and may be tentatively delimited by a distinct set of characteristics. But, in the near term, there is no looming Kuhnian crisis in the sense of an impending overthrow that would quickly sweep away reigning paradigms. Given that systematic research on globalization is only slightly more than a decade in the making, it is most likely that International Studies has entered an interregnum between the old and the new. At this time, as a paradigm, globalization is more of a potential than a worked-out framework. It may be best understood as a proto-paradigm.     

Interdependent and Domestic Foundations of Policy Change: The Diffusion of Pension Privatization Around the World

In the last two decades, striking correlations in the location and timing of structural pension reforms have raised important questions about the kind of information used by policy makers in their decisions to adopt such measures. This study tests the hypothesis that the adoption of pension privatization is shaped systematically by an interdependent logic, wherein the decision to privatize pensions in one country is systematically linked to corresponding decisions made by governments in relevant peer nations. Duration analysis with time-varying covariates of data from 59 countries between 1980 and 1999 reveals that the decision to adopt a private pension reform in one country increases systematically as the proportion of peer nations that have adopted corresponding measures rises. Importantly, the effect of this peer dynamic varies across groups of nations, with the most powerful impact of peer decisions being found among Eastern European and Central Asian nations. Peer dynamics likewise contribute powerfully to the adoption of private pension reforms in Latin America, but do not significantly shape the hazard of privatization among the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development member nations. Even controlling for diffusion mechanisms, the analysis shows that pension reform decisions remain subject to domestic political and economic considerations, including demographic pressures, financial costs and incentives to reform, and constraints delimited by the political institutions in each nation.     

Oxfam Australia's experience of ‘bottom–up’ accountability

Oxfam's experience suggests that ‘bottom–up’ accountability can be an important mechanism whereby men and women living in poverty can hold others to account. The first section of this article illustrates this with two examples of Oxfam experience in Vietnam and Sri Lanka. The second section draws out some of the lessons from these examples and attempts to situate them within the broader debate about approaches to accountability. In the third section some suggestions are put forward about what would need to change if active citizenship and ‘speaking truth to power’ were to become the renewed focus of accountability.