东南亚非政府组织:源起、现状与前景——以马来西亚、泰国、菲律宾、印度尼西亚为例

近30年来,随着东南亚国家政治经济的发展,公民社会的力量也逐步增强,非政府组织在国家政治生活中的地位也愈发重要。由于东南亚国家有着各自不同的历史发展背景和社会政治体制,相应地,各国非政府组织的发展也存在着多样性。本文以马来西亚、泰国、菲律宾、印度尼西亚为例,研究东南亚非政府组织的发展情况。     

中产阶级与市民社会和民主化──东南亚中产阶级兴起及其影响探析

本文通过社会学的角度对东南亚中产阶级存在现状进行分析考察，认为伴随着东南亚国家经济的迅速发展，这些国家的社会结构也发生了极大的变化，主要表现为中产阶级力量的发展壮大，这一变化促进了东南亚国家市民社会的发展。他们逐渐在政治上具有了一定的表现要求和能力，要求社会更加民主化。现阶段主要表现为各种非政府组织（ＮＧＯ）崛起，这推动了社会民主化进程向更高层次发展，但是由于东南亚中产阶级力量弱小和自身局限以及政府、传统政治文化影响，决定了东南亚国家民主化发展进程将是一个长期、渐进的发展历程。     

菲律宾的非政府组织

本文分析了菲律宾作为拥有全球第三大非政府组织(NGO)的发展中国家,其非政府组织的缘起、总体情况及其发展趋势,并认为目前菲律宾NGO对国家和地区政策的影响仍然不大,但通过市民社会与国家的互动,有可能在国家政治生活中发挥更大的作用并影响政治决策。     

2003年非政府组织的主要活动和特点

2003年非政府组织的活动日趋活跃，非政府组织的作用也越来越多地得到国际社会的重视，各国非政府组织之间的合作不断加强；各国政府在有条件地支持非政府组织活动的同时．更多地利用非政府组织举办的各类活动，为本国的对外政策服务。     

战后东南亚国家的华侨归化政策及其影响

战后,东南亚国家的华侨社会发生了深刻的变化,其中一个主要特点就是华侨已多数归化于当地国家,成为当地国的公民,华侨社会的这巨大变化,同战后东南亚国家对华侨采取加速归化的政策和步骤有密切关系。本文拟就战后东南亚国家对华侨归化战略、政策及其对华侨社会变化的影响作一些探讨。战后东南亚国家的华侨归化的战略和政策战后,东南亚各国先后摆脱了殖民统治,获得了政治独立。东南亚的民族主义在反殖、反帝斗争,争取民族独立中是具有进步性质的。但在独立以后对待异族采取盲目排     

“中国军控与裁军协会”在京成立

中国军控与裁军协会（以下简称“协会”）于２００１年８月２１日在北京成立。协会是全国性、非营利的非政府组织。协会的宗旨是：组织协调全国民间军控、裁军和不扩散活动，以利于推动国际军控与裁军进程，维护世界和平。 近年来，国际上非政府组织发展迅速，对国际政治、经济、军事、文化、社会等各个方面发挥着越来越重要的作用，已成为国际舞台上一支不可忽视的力量。军控与裁军关系，世界和平与安全，一直是非政府组织关注的重点领域之一。各国非政府组织对国际军控与裁军进程的发展，以及对各国军控政策的制定和实施发挥重要影响。当…     

东南亚华侨华人政策的变化及华人社会经济概观——东南亚华人情况2002年回顾与2003年前瞻之一

2002年东南亚各国的华侨华人政策日益缓和、宽松,华人社会总体比较稳定,继续呈良性发展态势,各国华人积极参与当地社会政治、经济和文化活动.虽然世界经济低迷对东南亚各国影响较大,但各国华人积极应对,改进经营管理模式,调整产业结构,积极加强与中国联系.     

拉美国家维护政治社会稳定的基本经验

拉美国家政治相对稳定局面背后一直有风险和隐患,其不断的累积加重了可治理性问题,对政治和社会稳定构成严重威胁.拉美国家学者、相关国际机构提出的维护政治社会稳定的政策建议,受到拉美各国政府重视.各国政府也注重构建和完善有利于稳定的体制,消除不稳定赖以产生的经济社会基础,加强对非政府组织力量的疏导,预防和消除对政治稳定的外部威胁.拉美国家在维护政治社会稳定方面积累了一定经验.     

宗教非政府组织在非洲国家的角色参与及影响

在当代非洲,国家能力的相对弱化与政府治理的或多或少缺失,使各类宗教非政府组织在各国冲突解决、灾难救济、人道主义援助以及推进经济发展方面,都以特殊角色参与到这几类行为中.宗教非政府组织对解决社会问题虽有增益作用,但这类组织自身以教派和信仰为纽结的特质,又使这类组织对非洲年轻世俗国家的构建与政府权威的塑造产生复杂而有争议的影响.深入研究各种形态的宗教非政府组织的结构特性与活动内容,对理解和把握当代非洲政治进程与社会结构具有重要的意义.     

打造华文教师培养的助推器——论东南亚国家华文教育人才库的创建

21世纪以来,随着世界政治环境的改善和东南亚各国经济社会的不断发展,东南亚国家的华文教育事业取得了长足的进步,但是历史遗留的问题和现实社会状况也给东南亚华文教育事业提出了一些难题。其中提高东南亚地区华文教师培养质量一直是影响东南亚国家华文教育事业发展的关键因素。东南亚国家华文教育人才库的建设和完善可以在华文教育管理部门、华文教师组织、华文教师个体三个层面上对提高华文教师培养质量方面提供相应帮助,促进华文教师培养活动提高效率,更具针对性。     

Learning to Learn and Building Communities of Practice: Non-governmental Organisations and Examples from Mine Action in Southeast Asia

How do non-governmental organisations (NGOs) interact with one another in specific geographical locations or over specific issue areas? This article evaluates the social learning capacities that may facilitate the development of new communities of practice among NGOs. It focuses on the structures in which NGOs have to work, the nature of the processes of interaction in which they participate, and their motivations for wanting to coordinate with one another in the first place. Based on fieldwork conducted in 2005 and 2006 in Southeast Asia, this paper focuses on the mechanisms for social learning among mine action NGOs in Southeast Asia and the ways in which what might be called a “community” of mine action in the region is starting to develop. At the same time, it raises a number of important questions regarding the coordination of NGO activities in all fields of activity and in any geographical situation.     

Routes of funding,roots of trust? Northern NGOs,Southern NGOs,donors, and the rise of direct funding

This paper, based on a review of SIDA's funding of NGOs in Bangladesh, explores the changing relationships between bilateral donors, Northern NGOs (NNGOs), and Southern NGOs (SNGOs). It compares direct and indirect funding routes between donors and SNGOs. Most SIDA funding of SNGOs was previously undertaken through Swedish NGOs. As SNGO competence and capacity has increased through their own efforts at professionalisation, through wider recognition and support from government and by the provision of 'capacity building' partnerships with NNGOs, these Southern organisations have taken up positions within the burgeoning 'third sectors' of aid-recipient countries alongside the governmental and business sectors. SIDA has increasingly funded SNGOs directly through its Dhaka office. The paper sets out to address two main themes in the context of Swedish aid to NGOs in Bangladesh. Firstly, as bilateral donors provide an increasing proportion of their resources to NGOs, how can sound and responsible funding relationships based on mutual trust be built between bilateral donors and NGOs? Secondly, how can NNGOs work usefully in contexts where the number and capacity of local SNGOs has expanded significantly?     

The Promise of Transnational NGO Dialogue: The Argument and the Challenges

Over the past few decades, a vast body of literature has emerged that strives to conceptualise transnational relations between non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This article explores this debate by mapping out two theoretical approaches that can be broadly defined as an ideational and a materialist approach. Particular attention is paid to the different ways in which one can understand the mutual impact of NGOs operating domestically and transnationally. The paper argues that combining the insights from both approaches improves our understanding of NGO dialogue.     

东南亚台商协会的建立及其功能分析

随着中国台湾省厂商对东南亚的投资与移民,当地的台商组织应运而生,经过多年的发展,东南亚台商协会已经在台商的事业与生活中扮演着相当重要的角色。台商协会紧紧围绕"服务台商"的这一基本宗旨,在丰富台商业余生活,联络乡谊;帮助台商解决经营困难,促进台商事业发展;传承中华文化,协助创办台商子弟学校;服务桑梓,回馈当地社会,树立台商形象等方面发挥着极为重要的作用,但同时应注意到台商协会也是台湾当局拓展与东南亚国家实质关系的重要载体。     

Capacity building: who builds whose capacity?

This article focuses on the role that development NGOs play in capacity building, arguing that many conventional NGO practices are ultimately about retaining power, rather than empowering their partners. This leads to tunnel vision and to upward rather than downward or horizontal accountability, based on the assumption that the transfer of resources is a one-way process. At worst, this undermines rather than strengthens the capacities of the organisations that NGOs are attempting to assist. Sharing responsibilities and risks, mutual accountability, and committing to the long term rather than to short-term projects are more likely to create partnerships that can withstand vicissitudes and contribute to lasting change.     

Good intentions are not enough: French NGO efforts at democracy building in Cameroon

NGOs have traditionally had little scope to bring about political reform in developing countries. This was certainly true of French development NGOs (NGDOs) operating in Cameroon during the early post-colonial decades. This situation changed in 2002 when French NGDOs, with support from the French state and Cameroonian civil society, initiated a multi-actor consultative programme (the PCPA), aiming to build democracy in Cameroon. This article traces the origins of the PCPA, assesses its achievements, and explains why the programme failed. It then identifies key lessons and asks whether the PCPA represents a useful model for French NGOs and donor states.     

States, NGOs, and International Environmental Institutions

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are increasingly important participants in international environmental institutions. NGOs have been formally—but not fully—incorporated into what were previously "states-only" activities. This article surveys these new participatory roles and offers an analytical framework for understanding the pattern, terms, and significance, for international theory, of NGO inclusion. NGOs are distinctive entities with important skills and resources to deploy in the process of international environmental cooperation. Rather than undermining state sovereignty, active NGO participation enhances the abilities of states to regulate globally. The empirical pattern of NGO participation has been structured across time and functional areas to reap these gains. Recent evidence from the restructuring of the World Bank's Environment Facility is used to test these claims. That NGOs are now more pervasive in international environmental institutions illustrates the expansion, not the retreat, of the state in addressing global environmental problems.     

Islam in Southeast Asia: The Challenge of Radical Interpretations

This article addresses three questions. The rise of radical Islamic movements in Southeast Asia, the links between Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and al-Qaeda, and the challenge to Southeast Asian states from JI. Desker gives an overview of radical Islamic organisations in Southeast Asia resorting to violence, and their reciprocal connections and ties to the global al-Qaeda network. These organisations and their actions draw attention to the interplay between transnational non-state actors, postcolonial states and regional integration processes in the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Desker points out the fragility of postcolonial states challenged by religious, ethnic and linguistic groups promoting separatist or transnational agendas. As new states protective of their sovereignty and the primacy of their national identities, the ASEAN members generally have pursued individual national interests in confronting such transnational actors. As such the ASEAN member-states have not relied on their multilateral relationships, highlighting the erosion of the ASEAN security community after the Cold War. The original version of this paper was prepared for the Regional Outlook Forum organized by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore on 7 January 2003.