The Economic Dimension of Sino-Pakistani Relations: an overview

This study deals with the subject of growing economic ties between China and Pakistan over the past decade which have evolved to match the strong bilateral political and military relations between Beijing and Islamabad. While economic exchanges between the two countries were long colored by essentially political considerations, since 1999 two-way trade and investment have expanded and become both strategically and commercially driven. To understand what underlies this development, one must look at several significant domestic and external policy shifts that have taken place in China and Pakistan since 1999. The study overviews the nature of Chinese investment in Pakistan, notably infrastructure projects such as Gwadar Port and the upgrading of the Karakoram Highway, which have both commercial and possible geostrategic facets. It also examines the deepening and broadening of Sino-Pakistani trade, as a result of which China has become economically integrated with South Asia.     

中国警察——公安的百年回顾

回顾有助展望.法国和英国率先建立近代警政,在英国遇到过阻力.以它们为代表的警察的大陆派系和海洋派系是有其国情根据的.决定警察体制不顾国情是不行的.旧中国警察行政的产生是近代政治与治安的历史需要,也是遇到过阻力的.初建警政受到日本警察的最大影响.蒋介石建立了中国最黑暗的警察制度.我党将Police定名公安,是进步与科学的选择,值得庆幸.在20世纪,人民公安形成了稳定的优良传统.党对公安工作的绝对领导是公安事业的政治基础,绝不能大权旁落.党的理论的指导是公安事业政治理论上的优越性.从30年代我们就辩证地解决了集权与分权的关系,始终把维护稳定放在首位.专门机关与广大群众相结合的方针有别于西方警察的公众工作.政策与法律相结合体现公安工作的领导艺术.坚持围绕党和国家中心任务开展公安工作.中国公安是国际警界最善于学习他国经验的.我们的优良传统的实践是曲折的、有反复的,甚至发生过自我否定.     

The Suzhou industrial park experiment: the case of China–Singapore governmental collaboration

This paper examines the Suzhou Industrial Park project, a collaborative venture between the China and Singapore governments between 1992 and 2002. The collaboration represented a convergence of the two governments' development strategies. The aim was to jointly benefit from foreign direct investment (FDI) by attracting industrial transnational corporations to locate operations within the Park. To achieve this, the China government invested strong political support for the project, while the Singapore government invested capital and administrative expertise. This paper finds that between 1992 and 1997, the collaboration was relatively successful, as the Suzhou Industrial Park experienced some of the highest levels of foreign direct investment in China. However, between 1997 and 1999, the project faced several problems including the effects of the Asian Financial Crisis outside China and competition from other industrial estates within China. This ultimately led the Singapore government to announce its disengagement from the project in June 1999. This paper concludes with some observations about inter-governmental collaboration as a new form of development strategy.     

Economic interdependence and political divergence: The emerging pattern of relations across the Taiwan Strait

Economic interactions between Taiwan and mainland China have grown at an astounding speed since the Taipei government began to relax restrictions on indirect trade with the mainland in the late 1980s. A growing flood of cross‐border investment and trade has created an economic interdependence. However, intensified economic exchanges have not spilled over into political recognition of the legitimacy to each other or even ameliorated hostility across the Taiwan Strait. Growing economic interdependence has been a function of political power and political choice. This paper examines the emerging pattern of the relations across the Taiwan Strait and attributes the discrepancy between economic and political relations to significant disparities across the Taiwan Strait, which has worked as both integrative and disintegrative forces.     

我国多党合作制度中的领导与被领导关系--对我国政党制度中几个基本关系探讨之一

中国共产党在多党合作中居于领导地位,是由中国社会历史发展决定的,由共产党与民主党派的性质决定的,是在中国革命、建设和改革的实践过程中形成的,不能把西方多党制的政党关系作为衡量我国政党关系的标准.民主党派组织上的独立性和党际关系上的平等性,决定了中国共产党在我国政治生活和多党合作中的领导只能是政治领导,只能通过民主协商来实现.中国共产党和各民主党派根本利益和奋斗目标的共同性、我国民主党派的主动性和政党制度的优越性,决定了中国共产党对民主党派的领导关系是一种互相依存、互相作用,相辅相成、相得益彰的互动关系.     

Frustrations and Hopes: Chinese perceptions of the engagement policy debate in the United States

This paper argues that now, more than at any other time, the way that China‐US relations evolve will shape each country's interests and affect the development of global politics. Thus, at this critical point, it is important that the two countries develop a mutually beneficial relationship. In this respect Chinese views of US intentions matter because these views translate into policies; policies that influence US domestic politics and shape relations between the two countries. It is ironic, then, that while Chinese understanding of US domestic politics has never been better and its response to it has never been more sophisticated, the criticisms of China in the US have never been stronger than at any time since rapprochement in the early 1970s. And, pointing specifically to the debate in the US since 1994 over the Clinton Administration's engagement policy, Jia analyzes this as a key source of current Chinese frustrations.     

税收竞争对外国直接投资的影响分析

1999-2003年间省级面板数据的估计结果显示，市场规模和基础设施是影响外国直接投资（FDI）的关键性因素。西部地区的税收因素对FDI作用明显，而中东部的税收因素对FDI的作用不明显。税收对吸引外资的效果带有明显的区域性特征。     

Searching for Common Interests between China and Japan: a Chinese view

Most of the conflicts and problems in Sino–Japanese relations have their roots in two main issues: the history of World War II and the status of Taiwan. And the historical and the Taiwan issues have been exacerbated by other disputes such as competing territorial claims, ownership of oil and gas fields in the East China Sea, and the location of the planned Siberian pipeline. In spite of these conflicts and frictions, it must be noted that there are broad common interests between China and Japan. Firstly, the Chinese and Japanese economies are highly complementary. Secondly, China and Japan working together to promote regional economic cooperation in Asia has important significance for peace and stability in the entire Asia–Pacific region. Thirdly, in the political and diplomatic arena, room for cooperation is even broader. The imminent issue at present is to seek an appropriate solution to the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. There is both a need and a possibility for closer Sino–Japanese relations in spite of real difficulties and potential clashes. Current Sino–Japanese relations have unprecedented hopes, which particularly require people to view and handle the Sino–Japanese relations from a strategic height and in a long-term perspective. Friendly coexistence and win–win cooperation are the only right choices in line with the fundamental interests both of China and Japan.     

China: A responsible great power

If China can maintain the trend of its economic development, by the middle of the twenty-first century China will be among the great powers in the world. Whether China can become a responsible great power or not will depend on both internal and external factors. During recent years, China has been making big progress in integrating itself into international economic and political mechanisms. This paper argues that the more closely China integrates itself into international economic and political mechanisms, the more willing it will be to play a responsible role in the international community. It also argues that there are some conditions necessary to make China a responsible great power. In particular, China needs to be confident about the international security environment and international mechanisms; other countries should help China to participate in international mechanisms; the strategic balance in the Asia‐Pacific region should be established and maintained; and the Taiwan issue should be dealt with properly.     

The Development of Outward FDI Regulation and the Internationalization of Chinese Firms

The Investment Development Path (IDP) model has been widely accepted for illustrating the relationship between the inward and outward foreign direct investment (FDI) positions of a country and its economic status based on the data from developed economies. In recent years, however, outward FDI from developing economies has increased dramatically and it has been argued that institutions are ‘forefront’ factors in addition to the economic index. In this article, we use statistical data from China, which has gone through dramatic regulation reform and FDI development, to test the validity of the IDP model. We also trace the history of Chinese FDI regulation development to answer the following question: in what way are regulations important for FDI in different periods? We use Lenovo as a case study to show how a Chinese firm ‘avoids’ and ‘adapts to’ regulation changes. We find that the FDI development of China still follows the IDP model; however, the Chinese government has accelerated the whole process through active regulation reform. In a transition economy such as China, FDI co-evolves with the regulation, and the firms which can influence or foresee the policy changes can prosper considerably.     

China and North Korea: A fragile relationship of strategic convenience

The common view is that China is North Korea's ally. The two countries share a similar political system and considerable strategic interest in regional international relations. Indeed, this is true to a large extent. This paper, however, analyses the problems in the bilateral relations that are gradually eroding the strategic ties the two countries formed 50 years ago. Its central argument is that, in reality, beneath the surface of the alliance relations the two countries share very few common interests. In fact, the two countries can hardly agree to any matters between them, be it historical ties, ideological stance, political and economic programs, or diplomatic interactions. This heralds an uncertain future for the bilateral relations and thus may further complicate the security situation in the Korean Peninsula.     

China and Asian regionalism: Challenge and policy choice

Regionalism has become an interesting phenomenon in Asian international relations. Driven by fast growing trade and investment, Asian countries have developed variegated patterns of economic co‐operation and a complex level of interdependence among themselves. Although the growing Asian regionalism is very much an economics‐driven process, it has profound impacts on regional political organization. This analysis examines Beijing's changing attitudes toward Asian regionalism and its policy choice in the regional economic integration. It is argued that the integration of the Chinese economy into the regional structure is promoted by the government as well as driven by market dynamics. Although Beijing has let the Chinese economy develop into the regional ‘flying geese’ structure, the best policy choice for China, as many Chinese scholars have argued, would be a three‐circle strategy of integrating into the world economy and a strategy of ‘market for technology’ in regional economic co‐operation. This analysis also discusses the regional political obstacles impeding co‐operation across national borders. It is argued that healthy bilateral relations and more political will toward regional multilateralism on political issues would be instrumental for future regional prosperity and stablity in Asia.     

中美证券投资基金管理人行为:差别与原因

证券投资基金制度在国外成熟资本市场已经发展了一个多世纪,其制度的完善、运行的效率都值得我们借鉴。美国共同基金的发起设立是一种完全市场化的行为,而随着"好人举手"政策的出台,中国证券投资基金实行了很久的行政审批制正逐渐放松。但是,证券市场浓重的投机氛围,扭曲了基金管理人的精神和企业的组织结构,而投资理念恰恰是基金管理人的灵魂。借鉴国外完善的证券投资基金制度,规范和引导中国基金管理人行为,有助于促进证券投资基金制度在中国健康发展。     

光复初期台湾农会与合作社分合问题

日据时期的台湾与1945年前的中国大陆各自拥有不同的农民组织经验,这两种经验在光复初期的台湾交集。国民政府在接收台湾后不久,即依据大陆“农会政治,合作社经济”的原则,将台湾最大的农民组织——农业会划分为农会与合作社两种组织,使得光复初期的台湾农民组织陷入分分合合的纠葛之中,直至1949年台湾省政当局重新将其合并。在农会与合作社分合问题的背后,可以看出在国民党的政治版图中,台湾的地位日渐重要,台湾农民组织的地位也日渐重要。在糅合两种农民组织经验的基础上,当政者促成了具有政治、经济、社会等综合性功能的新农会的产生。     

改革开放与跨国（地区）投资历程考察

改革开放30余年,中国从封闭半封闭状态走向对外开放。改革开放前,中外经济关系主要是对外贸易与对外经济合作。改革开放以来的巨大变化突出体现为跨国（地区）直接投资,主要包括“引进来”与“走出去”。始于改革开放初期的“引进来”,发展到“引进来”与“走出去”并行;21世纪初,随着中国加入WTO和政策法规体系逐渐完备,中外之间的跨国（地区）投资进入新的阶段。     

The Taiwan conundrum: heading towards a new war?

Taiwan's controversial 2004 presidential election has drastically changed the political landscape of the island. The balance of power is turning greatly in favor of the pro‐independence DPP and TSU coalition. China now focuses its energy on building up a well‐off society in an all‐round way. China will try its best to solve the Taiwan question peacefully. As Chen Shui‐bian has made up his mind to carry out his timetable for independence, Beijing is being driven into a corner. Chen Shui‐bian's victory not only constitutes a big challenge to China, but also a big challenge to the US. At the moment US–China relations are in one of the best stages of all time, but if the Taiwan issue goes out of control, US–China relations would be devastated, leading to a serious confrontation which might trigger a disastrous war between the two countries. In order to avoid such a worst‐case scenario, the two countries should coordinate to manage the situation and take effective measures to keep the issue under control.     

What Affects China's National Image? A cross-national study of public opinion

This paper investigates macro-level sources of variations across countries regrading China's national image, as measured by the proportion of the public in each of 35 countries that expressed a favorable view of China in the 2007 Pew Global Attitudes Survey. It turns out that several expected factors have no significant measurable impact on China's image: not the extent of strategic ties between China and a given country; not the political system of that country; not the extent of Chinese investment in the country; and not the number of Confucius institutes and classrooms in that country. The only macro-level factor we find to affect China's image in a country is that country's level of economic and social development, as measured by the UN Human Development Index. Controlling for the other factors, publics in poor or developing countries are much more likely to have a favorable image of China than publics in economically advanced countries. Some implications of our findings are discussed.     

China's consumer revolution: The 1990s and beyond

Since 1980 China's economic revolution has enabled more households to allocate labor to market‐related activities to earn more income. In 1992 an even greater surge in market economy growth took place when urban households began abandoning state‐related occupations and took their chances in the marketplace. The increase in consumer spending that followed reflects a new pattern of household spending for the first time in China since 1949: the share of spending for food relative to spending for other categories of goods and services is fast declining. This new trend, already strongly evident among high income‐earning households, is rapidly being replicated by other households as their incomes rise. During the 1990s new consumer patterns have emerged in the cities of the coastal provinces that strongly indicate that a consumer revolution is under way. This revolution has revived traditional gift‐giving between the Chinese people, thus facilitating the strengthening of their social, economic, and political ties and encouraging people to emphasize social and political stability.     

Locating China’s Middle Classes: social intermediaries and the Party-state

The middle class has emerged as a political phenomenon in China since 2002 through a state-sponsored discourse that sees it as a universal and universalising class. Although the evidence from other countries suggests that the growth of middle classes leads to regime change, this seems to be an unlikely outcome for China. In the first place, China’s middle class discourse has uncertain sociological foundations. Secondly, where the middle classes are identifiable they still probably constitute no more than 12% of the population. Thirdly, China’s middle classes have a very close relationship to the Party-state. Most of the professional and managerial middle classes are part of, or closely associated with, the Party-state; and the entrepreneurial middle class has either emerged from within the Party-state or has been incorporated into it.     

论当代中国政党制度的现实必然性

共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度是适应当代中国国情的新型的社会主义政党制度。它对于当代中国的经济发展、政权稳固、社会政治稳定以及执政党和参政党的自身建设的作用是其他政党制度所不能代替的。这一政党制度不仅有其历史必然性 ,而且是当代中国现实的必然选择。