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1.
马健 《学理论》2015,(8):187-188
高职高专教育是以就业为导向、以能力为本位的职业教育。高职英语教学应融入职业元素,体现职业教育的本质特征。学生职业能力培养还存在一些问题,应以企业需求为导向,重新定位教学目标、教学要求;改革教学模式;构建多元化的课程体系;创建多元化教学评价体系;加强"双师型"师资队伍建设;完善实践教学体系。要充分利用课堂教学,校内外实践教学等平台,以提升学生的英语实际运用能力,培养学生的英语职业能力。  相似文献   

2.
《学理论》2015,(11)
高职院校教育的根本任务是培养和造就一大批适应生产、管理、建设、服务第一线的专门应用型技能人才。基于能力本位,在职业素质教育评价中以学生评价为中心,以职业能力培养为核心,分析高职院校职业素质教育学生评价的特殊原则,提出确立教育评价指标,搭建职业素质教育发展平台,探索学生评价过程,从而探究基于能力本位的高职院校职业素质教育学生评价的实施方法。  相似文献   

3.
李伟舵  胡莹莹  陈兰 《学理论》2009,(6):136-137
我国经济和社会的发展、教育质量的提升以及知识社会的转型等对高职人才培养工作提出了创新和改革的要求,其目标是实现从学历本位到能力本位、从学科中心到学习者中心、从封闭的学校教育到社会化学习体系的转变。而人才培养计划的刨新,特别是“工学结合、双证融通”模式在教学计划中的有效契合,是实现人才培养模式变革的保证。  相似文献   

4.
根据汽车检测和维修技术领域和职业岗位(群)的任职要求,通过职业素质和职业能力的分析,参照国家职业标准,确定该专业课程的定位、目标和结构。以素质教育为基础,以能力培养为主线,构建通识课程、专业课程和实训课程,设计并实施模块化的专业理论知识课程体系以及项目化的技能训练课程体系。  相似文献   

5.
《学理论》2016,(7)
知识经济时代,企业需要的是有扎实的基础知识、过硬的专业技能、健全的人格素质、具有学习精神、创新精神的人才。高职院校基于职业素质本位的课程建构要遵循职业性、合作性、动态性原则,并采取如下策略:以就业市场的需要为导向;以学生的知能准备为基础;以职业能力的培养为核心;以职业技能的训练为重点。  相似文献   

6.
严莉 《学理论》2013,(20):266-267
中职教育培养的是有一技之长的高素质劳动者。传统职业教育是以知识为本位的教学,学生处于被动学习状态,直接影响了语文教学效果的提高。职业活动导向教学以能力发展为本位,强调学生作为学习活动的主体,注重培养学生的核心能力和综合职业素质。  相似文献   

7.
"以职业活动为导向"的教学模式是指以就业为导向,以上岗为目标,以能力为基础而展开的教育教学活动。现以本院营销专业的教学模式作为研究对象,通过营销类岗位的分析,制定营销专业的培养目标,构建以职业活动为导向的高职营销类课程体系。  相似文献   

8.
刘凯  胡萍  俎琲琲 《学理论》2012,(15):234-235
教学模式是高等职业教育培养模式的核心内容,而传统的教学模式在《生物分离技术》专业的教学中出现的一系列的弊端日渐凸显。本文针对《生物分离技术》传统教学模式的不足对教学模式进行初探,提出了以工作过程为导向以及教学做一体化的新模式,将教和学两个过程有效结合,以学生为主体,重视和强调职业能力培养,实现由学科知识本位向职业能力本位转变。  相似文献   

9.
陈晓莉 《学理论》2010,(21):256-258
借助课程的开发来剖析职业教育中的能力本位观、全面发展观、职业属性观、工作过程观、整体思考观、层次观等在课程建设和开发的各阶段和环节中的作用及地位。学习情境的设计在基于能力本位观即专业能力、方法能力和社会能力的思想指导下,完成了由以知识结构或知识点进行知识搭建的模式向以工作过程为导向的知识结构的转变。  相似文献   

10.
吴海霞 《学理论》2010,(23):291-292
影视节目制作是一门实践性很强的课程,对学生实践能力的培养是非常重要的。针对这一课程的教学特点而使用强调以职业活动为导向、以人的发展为本位的“行为导向教学法”,对于培养学生的影视创作实战能力是很有效果的。  相似文献   

11.
Why is there more integration in some areas of the European Union than others? Analyzing the dynamics of the integration process at the “normal politics” level, I specify two conditions, complexity and coupling, that make integration in Europe more likely in specific policy domains. Integration is more likely under conditions of low complexity and tight coupling. Using these two hypotheses, I probe tendencies toward more integration in four areas: competition policy, social policy, agriculture, and foreign and security policy. Integration need not be just a matter of conscious design or bargain, but also the perhaps unintended consequence of interaction between the various actors at the EU level. I conclude that European integration is segmented and that a more integrated Europe is necessarily a more expensive Europe.  相似文献   

12.
From the standpoint of its critics, postmodernism represents the disintegration of the modern philosophical and ethical tradition into relativism and corrosive scepticism. But it may also be seen in a more positive light. I do not mean the light shed by the uncritical optimism of defenders who identify it with openness and true toleration. I mean, rather, that it may be seen as a step towards a more modest conception of man and of politics than has characterized the past two centuries. This modesty as yet assumes only a precarious form in postmodern thought, but ways are suggested here by which it may be reinforced. In particular, so far as politics are concerned, the postmodern stress upon difference appears to point towards a rediscovery of the contemporary relevance of the classical ideal of civil association. It is this ideal which represents the most effective means of coming to terms with the 'new politics' which postmodernism represents the politics, that is, of 'inclusion', devoted to hitherto excluded sexual, racial, and ecological issues. In so far as this interpretation of postmodernism is a plausible one, it lends some support to the view of Agnes Heller and Ferenc Feher that we may be entering an era of 'settling in', following upon the era of ideology. To give their precise words: 'If modernity is the drama of permanent revolution, postmodernity may be characterized as the epic of settling-in.' (The Postmodern Political Condition, p.158.) Out of the disintegration of philosophy and the critique of liberal foundational doctrine, then, it may be that the way is being paved for a more viable framework for limited politics.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

Peace agreements often include provisions for the military integration of the conflict parties, involving an increase in government forces, and at the same time requesting demobilization and thus a reduction of military personnel. Depending on the modalities and magnitude both can be strong signals of a commitment to the peace process. However, tensions between these two concepts can also endanger post-conflict stability. The empirical analyses of 77 post-conflict societies show that civil war is more likely to recur if rebel forces are kept separate during the military integration process and if the military plays an important role in post-conflict economies.  相似文献   

14.
Sutter  Matthias 《Public Choice》2000,104(1-2):41-62
This paper studies the implications offlexible integration in the European Union. Itanalyses the voting power of member states in theCouncil of Ministers when differently sized subgroupsof the EU are set up. European Monetary Union isreferred to as the most important example of flexibleintegration. The Banzhaf-Index is calculated to studythe distribution of voting power in the decisionmaking process according to the stability and growthpact. The results show considerable fluctuations,especially for smaller countries, in relative votingpower, the latter being defined as the relationbetween voting power and relative voting weight.  相似文献   

15.
当代西方社会融合研究的概念、理论及应用   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
尽管社会融合一直为社会学家、心理学家、政策分析家和政策制定者们所关注,但社会融合的定义还比较纷杂,其理论也缺乏一贯性,一般被视为多维度现象或多参数的潜变量.根据研究对象和目的的不同,将相关研究区分为实证研究和政策应用两个研究领域;依据关注层次的不同,将社会融合的研究归纳为个体层次、群体层次和整体层次等三个层次.以此为脉络,首先介绍了社会融合在社会学、社会心理学和政策研究中的概念;其次,对社会融合由来已久的"同化论"与"多元化"之间的争议进行了回顾,并评述了社会融合和社会网络理论之间的关系;再次,总结了社会融合的测量方法及其在实证研究和政策研究中的应用情况;最后指出社会融合时中国转型社会背景下相关研究的借鉴意义,并对其在中国的应用前景进行了讨论.  相似文献   

16.
Recent research provides evidence that economic integration has a negative effect on electoral turnout. Taking up these recent findings, this article explores the causal chain in more detail. Specifically, it argues that one way by which economic integration affects the calculus of voting is through the positioning of political parties. The expectation is that the polarisation between parties on an economic left–right scale is lower the more integrated an economy is. Consequently, electoral turnout should be lower with less polarisation in the party system. The article employs aggregate-level data from legislative elections in 24 developed democracies. Using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project, evidence is found not only that economic integration has a negative effect on party polarisation as measured on an economic left–right dimension, but also that this in turn exerts a negative effect on electoral turnout.  相似文献   

17.
18.
This article reviews the minefield of Muslim integration in Europe, paying special attention to the legal integration of Islam, which has not yet found the attention that it deserves. In a first step, the article contrasts ‘victimist’ and ‘alarmist’ views on contemporary Muslim integration, both of which are found misleading. Instead, as argued in the second part, significant progress has been made through the legal route. The conclusion provides a reflection on the role of Islam for Europe’s ‘liberal identity’ today.  相似文献   

19.
20.
耗散结构、协同效应与财政支农资金的整合   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
由于财政支农资金整合具有非线性和稳定有序结构而又总是处于不断运动与变化之中,因此,财政支农资金整合作为一项系统工程,本身的运作与发展空间完全符合耗散结构和协同效应的理论特征与规定。从而在实践考察财政支农资金整合状态时,也就不能简单地从一般平衡结构的角度来僵化地进行衡量与判断,而是应从耗散结构和协同效应理论的角度来进行系统的综合分析。通过对耗散结构与财政支农资金整合的关系分析,以及对协同效应的价值生成方式归纳,提供一个协同效应和财政支农资金整合的路径选择。  相似文献   

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