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1.
尹锡南 《东南亚》2015,(1):73-79,109,110
近代以来,印度人的中国观发生了多次的变化,从一个侧面反映了中印关系曲折发展的历史真实。1959年前后,印度人的中国观开始发生第一次转变,近年来又开始发生第二次转变。印度人的中国观,主色调从近代的朦胧与美好发展到现在的多元认知,变化是显著的。印度人中国观的变化,对中印关系的影响也是显而易见的。面对当前中印之间存在的"信任赤字"或"认知失衡"等严峻问题,双方应以加强人文交流、学术合作等方式,消除相互认知中的各种误区,培育新型的中印大国关系。  相似文献   

2.
中国和印度不存在根本的利益冲突,对国际问题的看法基本一致,在全球化背景下面临的挑战也近乎同一。因此,促使双方合作的因素大于冲突的因素,中国和印度在今后更有可能走向密切合作的道路而非冲突与对抗。只要中印双方本着和平共处五项原则的精神,在睦邻外交的道路上继续前进,中印之间建立的面向繁荣与和平的战略合作伙伴关系在未来一定能结出硕果,中印关系的未来充满希望。  相似文献   

3.
尹锡南 《东南亚》2009,(1):37-41
本文以迄今为止中印关系曲折发展的历史进程为基础,从文化心理层面对中印之间的双向认知进行历史考古,回顾了印度对中国的认知与形象建构、中国对印度的认知历史,讨论了中印如何正确认识对方、文化交流在发展中印关系中的意义,并对通过文化交流深化中印关系进行了反思和展望。  相似文献   

4.
亚洲 11月30日—12月3日 全国政协主席李瑞环对印度进行正式友好访问。印度联邦院副议长海普图拉女士举行欢迎宴会。印度总统夏尔马、印度议会人民院议长帕蒂尔、印度总理纳拉辛哈·拉奥分别会见李瑞环。李瑞环说,发展与周边国家的睦邻友好关系是中国对外关系的重点,也是一项坚定不移的方针。中印两国总理近年互访后,中印关系出现了新的局面,发展到了一个新的阶段。中印双方领导人应多做符合历史潮流的事,进一步推进中印睦邻友好合作关系不断前进。  相似文献   

5.
中国与印度:合作伙伴还是竞争对手?   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
中印关系在21世纪进入了全面合作的新阶段并提升到了面向和平与繁荣的战略合作伙伴关系的新水平,迎来了"印中新兄弟"(Hindi-Chini New Bhai Bhai)或"中印大同"(CHINDIA)的新时期。在中印关系新的历史发展阶段,中印两国如何看待对方?如何定位两国关系?这是摆在中印两国面前值得思考的重大课题。本文就中印两国学界和媒体的种种观点做了系统梳理,以期对当今中印关系有一个全面客观的认识。  相似文献   

6.
金砖组织与中印关系是相互促进、相互影响的关系。金砖的成立,是中印关系友好发展的结果,凸显了中印相似的身份认知、利益定位与共同的战略应对,而另一方面,金砖的合作也为中印关系的互动深入提供了新的沟通合作平台与契机。近年来,中印关系出现了新的问题与挑战,这对中印关系带来了一些困扰,也可能会影响到在金砖中的合作。为了稳定中印关系,中印两国应当重视和充分发挥金砖组织的作用,通过金砖这个多边平台来推动中印增信释疑、加强务实合作、改善全球经济治理、找到新的利益交集,从而让中印关系得以通过双边与多边两条路径得到不断加强。  相似文献   

7.
中印两国关系的性质、状态和价值取向在过去60年中不断地变迁。本文主要从中国的角度来论证中国对印度战略定位的变迁及其背景,以管窥中印关系史的全貌。此外,还探讨中印加强面向未来的务实合作的若干共同基础以及推动中印关系向前发展的若干要点,包括坦然正视历史遗留问题和新出现的分歧、客观理解“中印战略合作伙伴关系”的定性、以平和宽容的心态看待对方的发展壮大、营造平衡且负责任的舆论环境。  相似文献   

8.
中国与印度的货物往来历史悠久,近几年随着中印关系不断发展,中印货物贸易往来也呈现出了更紧密的状态。文章从近十年的中印货物贸易数据中分析两国货物贸易变化发展的特征,并以市场发展为依据展望贸易发展趋势,为中印经贸关系发展提供经验总结。  相似文献   

9.
吴永年 《东南亚》2012,(2):52-57
本文从文化研究的角度简明扼要地论述了中印关系中的文化因素。印度提出的“和平发展、互利共赢、扩大共同的价值观”,与中国一贯倡导的和平发展的理念是相同的。同时,从“中印大同”“CHINDIA”这个视角,深入地探讨“中印大同”“CHINDIA”及中印关系发展的启示和趋势。  相似文献   

10.
非传统安全合作是国际关系领域的新焦点。近年来,越来越多的国际关系学者开始关注日益凸显的非传统安全问题,包括恐怖主义、金融危机、跨国有组织犯罪、传染性疾病、气候变化、移民难民、复合性自然灾害、自然资源枯竭或跨界资源冲突等。非传统安全挑战严重威胁着区域安全,东亚和南亚地区也不例外。审视中国和印度这两个地缘相连的竞争大国之间的关系以及中印双边非传统安全合作,从传统安全角度看,长期以来存在的领土争议是阻碍中印关系发展的核心问题,而从非传统安全角度看,中印之间的合作交流却超过以往。中印之间存在的传统安全问题和非传统安全问题之间的关联,经济安全、能源安全、民族分裂主义与恐怖主义、水资源安全、流行性疾病、海洋安全、生态安全等领域是双方能够实现合作的非传统安全优先领域,而"和合主义"理念范式与"多元共赢"合作模式为中印之间的非传统安全合作提供了重要的理论指导,从而展示出中印共同携手发展的可能与前景。  相似文献   

11.
The migration-security nexus, already at the heart of EU policymaking before the 2011 Arab uprisings, became acute after the forced displacements from Syria and the deterrence measures introduced. The internalisation by broader publics of “security knowledge” regarding migration contributed to the securitisation move. However, the construction of migration into a security-laden notion goes beyond both the adoption of deterrence measures and the straightforward association of migration with state as well as societal (in)security. Through the lens of its cooperative tools with its southern neighbours, the EU has built complex interdependencies between migration, post-2011 regional stabilisation and security. In order to read the EU’s securitised migration politics properly, the migration-security nexus must be embedded in its social, geopolitical and temporal fields. Perceptions of geopolitical threats, concurrent strains and divergences over European integration and immigration constitute an enabling terrain for the politics of securitisation.  相似文献   

12.
By presenting a proposal for the EU's fifth Financial Perspective, now named Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), in June 2011, the European Commission started negotiations on the European Union's budget policy and financial programming that are expected to end in December 2012. It is becoming increasingly apparent that the MFF negotiations will be extremely difficult because a settlement can only be achieved by consensus. That means that all 27 member states and the European Parliament will have to agree. Two principles might be taken as guidelines to facilitate a compromise: the principle of European solidarity and the principle of European added value. The task will be to define a concept that combines both principles so that it can become the main argument and narrative for explaining the complex budget negotiations, enabling the European Union to avoid a stalemate.  相似文献   

13.
The 2011 protest wave, encompassing the Arab Spring revolutions, the Indignados movement in Spain and Greece, and the Occupy Wall Street movement has often been described as a new global protest cycle. However, the dynamics of diffusion suggest a more complex picture. Transmission of protest frames and repertoires from one country and cultural region to another was quite slow and tortuous. Moreover, adoption of the new ideas and practices of protest spawned by the protest wave of 2011 involved laborious dynamics of cultural translation and domestication. This situation points to the continuing importance of local protest cultures and cultural contexts, in addition to channels of transmission, even in an era of instantaneous communication technologies.  相似文献   

14.
The survival of the Moroccan monarchy amidst the wave of protests that characterised the Arab uprisings did not come as a surprise to observers of the Kingdom. Despite the size of the protests in February 2011, demonstrators never demanded the fall of the monarchy and the king was never in danger of being dethroned. Once the King reclaimed political leadership through the launch of a constitutional reform, the protest movement faded and whatever challenge to the pre-eminence of the monarchy might have existed ended quickly. A number of explanations have been advanced for the survival of authoritarianism in Morocco, but they generally rehash conventional wisdoms about Moroccan politics that might no longer be as valid as they were in past. Less obvious factors, ranging from repressive practices to ‘de-politicisation through technocracy’ and from the complex impact of neo-liberal economics on social relations to divisions within the opposition, contributed to the survival of the monarchy.  相似文献   

15.
The relation between Syria and Turkey transformed from enmity in the 1990s to détente in the early 2000s, grew into amity after the rise to power of the Turkish Justice and Development Party (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) in 2002, and reverted to enmity in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. This research suggests that a combination of structural and identity-based factors, at regional and domestic levels, induced the collapse of the decade-long amity. This paper builds on the notion of a “structure-identity nexus”; and determines the orientation of foreign policy outcomes from the 1990s until 2011. The discussion outlines the merits of a hybrid theoretical perspective by elaborating on Barkin’s idea of ‘realist constructivism’, which draws on two rival traditions, realism and constructivism. The structure-identity framework explains the double transformation in the relationship, considering the return to inter- and intra-state conflict in 2011. The research draws on extensive primary and secondary sources, as well as interviews carried out with key figures. In addition to the relationship between Syria and Turkey, the structure-identity nexus provides potential broader explanations that fuel the shift from amity to enmity in the complex network of states found in the Middle East.  相似文献   

16.
本文综述2010年泰国政治、经济、社会与外交关系发展,并展望该国2011年政治经济发展态势.2011年,泰国有望举行大选,经济上预计小幅增长.  相似文献   

17.
Two European Union (EU) directives on labour migration were adopted in 2009 and 2011. The EU scheme to attract highly qualified migrants, the so-called ‘Blue Card’ directive of 2009, allows member states broad flexibility in implementation. In contrast, the directive on a single permit for migrant workers and their rights of 2011 is far less flexible. It does significantly reduce the scope for derogations at a national level to a minimum. How can this variance in output be explained? Institutional rules are shown to be a key factor. The involvement of the European Parliament as co-legislator alongside the Council limited member states’ influence on legal outputs. The comparison of policy outputs between the two cases points to differences in actor orientations: rather than seeking to increase labour migration into the EU by defining expansive admission conditions, the common EU policy seeks to include migrant workers by defining their rights.  相似文献   

18.
Anders Behring Breivik, a lone wolf terrorist, killed 77 people in two terrorist attacks in Norway in 2011. This study uses framing theory from social movement studies to compare his Manifesto with the rhetoric of the anti-Islamic movement that inspired him. The anti-Islamic movement has a dual, and sometimes inconsistent, collective action framing. On the one hand, they portray Islam as an existential threat to the West and a warlike enemy; on the other, they promote peaceful and democratic opposition. The potential for radicalization is thus immanent. This case study reveals the importance of seeing lone wolf terrorists as acting from rhetoric embedded in larger social movements. It further demonstrates, in detail, the subtle and complex ways in which political narratives rejecting terrorism and political violence still end up inspiring such acts.  相似文献   

19.
In 2014, Yemen was referred to as one of the success stories of the Arab Spring. Yet, within months a rebel group, the Huthis, took over the capital and the Yemeni state nearly collapsed. Analyses of the crisis in Yemen have routinely reproduced one of three narratives: the Saudi-Iranian proxy war narrative, the sectarian narrative or the al-Qaeda/failed state narrative. However, a closer look shows that the onset of the crisis, although complex, is mainly driven by local factors and related to the lack of political and economic reforms after the transition in Yemen following the uprising in 2011.  相似文献   

20.
2011年10月17~18日,中国—东盟智库战略对话论坛·2011在中国广西南宁举行,本文综述与会中国和东盟专家发言的观点。  相似文献   

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