从国内、国际政治的角度解析东南亚环境的困境与机遇

本文旨在从国内政治和国际政治的角度探析东南亚环境困境的根源与出路。东南亚曾被认为是全球环境的模范区,但如今的东南亚也是全球环境恶化浪潮下的重灾区。区域内国家重发展、轻环保的决策思路,以及普遍存在的腐败与行政低效率是导致环境恶化的国内原因。而国际市场对源自东南亚的、以消耗资源为主的产品的高度需求,以及需求国政府有意、无意地忽视过度消费资源类产品对东南亚环境的负面影响,则是导致东南亚环境恶化的国际原因。因此,解决东南亚环境困境仍需要内、外两方面的努力——发达国家为东南亚发展中国家提供必要的资金与技术援助,区域内国家在决策中注意环保,并遏制腐败、提高行政效率,这些都有助于改善东南亚的环境困境。     

东南亚环境治理模式的转型分析——以“APP事件”为例

东南亚地区环境的恶化使该地区的环境治理问题越来越受到关注,环境治理的政府主导模式正向国家、公司、NGO共同参与的模式转型。APP事件是东南亚区域环境治理进程中的重要案例,在这一事件中,国家和公司依然是环境治理的主体,NGO成为引领环境治理的先锋力量。NGO在区域环境治理中的角色和在推动国家与公司参与环境治理中发挥的作用,导致了治理结构的变革。APP事件处理过程中产生的"三元共治"的环境治理模式,使国家、公司、NGO可以通过特定的机制形成区域环境治理资源的优化配置。     

战后东南亚排华运动再探析:基于种族支配的视角

战后,东南亚国家出现大量排华、反华运动。本文试图从种族支配主义角度分析东南亚排华原因,即东南亚的主体民族要建构自己在政治与经济上的支配地位。战后初期,东南亚华人在私人经济方面相对于原住民群体占据着优势地位,这与原住民要在经济上建立民族经济支配地位形成了冲突,故当地政府制定各种政策排斥、限制华人的经济力量,并且由此涉及华人的认同问题、公民身份问题和政治参与问题。"华人支配国家经济"是东南亚各国对于华人族群的刻板印象,本文认为华人并不是东南亚国家经济的支配者,国营经济、官僚资本主义经济才是东南亚真正的经济支配力量,华人只在私人经济领域占据优势地位。东南亚的原住民族群要建构和维持自己的种族支配地位,这是东南亚华人社会发展必须面对和适应的一个宏观环境。     

九一一事件以来美国与东南亚国家关系的变化

九一一事件后,出于安全的需要,东南亚国家与美国加强了反恐合作,美国与东南亚国家在政治、经济等领域的合作也有所加强.美国利用反恐使自己在东南亚的影响有所扩大,但东南亚地区原有的大国平衡关系没有受到影响.今后五至十年内,恐怖主义仍将是影响美国与东南亚各国关系的基本因素,东南亚国家会继续加强与美国的安全合作,但不会让美国肆意妄为.     

“一带一路”背景下中国与东南亚国家海洋非传统安全合作

"一带一路"建设面临一个不容忽视的挑战是其安全保障问题。虽然安全合作并非"一带一路"倡议的主要内容,但"一带一路"能否顺利推进,与"一带一路"沿线的安全环境密切相关。东南亚是"一带一路"海洋安全环境的关键性区域,"一带一路"六大经济走廊中有两条涉及东南亚国家。一方面,海洋是中国与包括东南亚国家在内的"一带一路"沿线国家经贸往来的重要通道,各方都需要和平稳定的海洋安全环境。另一方面,中国与东南亚国家在海洋非传统安全领域面临诸多现实问题的挑战,双方存在合作的必要性和基础。在海洋领土争端等传统安全问题一时难以解决的情况下,在海洋非传统安全领域积极探索切实可行的合作议题及方式,以海洋非传统安全合作的增量来培植各方的政治与安全互信,可为"一带一路"建设塑造良好的政治与安全环境。以"一带一路"倡议为合作平台,以构筑和保障海洋互联互通网络安全为合作目标,中国与东南亚国家可以从保障海洋航道安全、打击海洋跨国犯罪、实施海上人道主义救援和海洋自然灾害救助、维护海洋生态安全等领域做起,形成多层次、全方位的海洋安全合作格局。     

从军事演习看美国东南亚政策的新变化

本文通过分析20世纪90年代中期以来美国与东南亚国家举行的军事演习,认为美国的东南亚政策发生了新的变化,即试图在该地区恢复和加强军事存在,将东南亚国家纳入美国全球反恐体系,并介入东南亚国家与中国的南海争端.这给东南亚及其周边地区带来了不安和影响.     

试论台湾与东南亚关系的现实基础、影响因素及发展路径

台湾和东南亚的关系与两岸关系及大陆-台湾-东南亚国家三方关系的互动有着密切联系.随着大陆实力的增强,因两岸关系对立而产生的东南亚国家不得不在大陆与台湾之间进行选择的政治难题已经消失,以中国-东盟自由贸易区建设为先导的东亚区域经济一体化进程更从客观上弱化了台湾单独与东南亚国家发展关系的政策效应.由于以"东盟+n"方式参与东亚区域经济合作将导致两岸关系的恶化和多方关系的复杂化,因此,台湾直接参与已经开始实施的"东盟+中国"合作框架将更有利于台湾的发展以及与此相关各方关系的协调.     

安倍政府的东南亚政策评析

安倍再度执政以来将东南亚国家视为重点拉拢对象，从经济、军事、价值观等多方面加强与东南亚国家的关系，企图借美国“亚太再平衡”战略之势，联合东南亚国家拼凑遏制中国的包围圈。虽然安倍政府的目的最终难以实现，但给中国带来的不利影响应引起我们的警惕。     

走出认知“迷雾”：东南亚国家债务问题的叙事、事实与启示

所谓中国“债务陷阱论”等制造了关于“一带一路”倡议的认知“迷雾”。这不仅影响着东南亚国家对中国融资的认知，也直接影响着东南亚国家的地区合作决策。然而，较之“债务陷阱论”及大量关于中国融资的负面论述，关于东南亚债务问题以及中国角色的专业研究明显不足。基于此，本文在梳理当前东南亚国家对中国融资认知的基础上，对东南亚国家债务问题的根源、债务水平和议题化现象进行了系统分析，探讨了中国与东南亚国家债务问题的相关性。研究发现，除了老挝，东南亚国家并不存在严峻的债务问题，地区国家的债务负担被严重夸大。虽然中国在向东南亚国家提供融资方面表现出强烈意愿，但“一带一路”倡议提出以来，中国对东南亚国家的融资支持并没有大幅增加，相反在一些国家出现了明显下降。因而，除了老挝和缅甸，事实上中国融资在大部分东南亚国家外债构成中的比重维持在较低水平。这不仅反映了东南亚国家在是否接受中国融资上具有高度的自主性和议程设置能力，也表明中国融资的意愿与实际落地之间存在着较大差距。     

“9·11”后美国在东南亚的反恐活动

"9·11"后,美国将注意力集中到东南亚,将之视为反恐战争的"第二战线".在东南亚的反恐活动中,美国着重于打击海上恐怖主义袭击,在与东南亚国家加强反恐合作的同时,也对东南亚几个国家提供了军事援助和联合进行反恐军事演习.     

Greening of the Chinese mind: Environmentalism with Chinese characteristics

Due to its enormous population, spectacular economic growth, and severe environmental degradation, China's environmental impact on the country and the world is difficult to assess. Knowledge of the environmental awareness and the growth of the environmental movement in China are critical to the understanding of the country's environmental future. Firstly, this paper examines the environmental awareness of Chinese people based upon two major surveys conducted in 1998. The findings contributed to our understanding of the environmental awareness of people in the following aspects: environmental literacy, prioritization of environmental problems, environmental governance, environmental ethics, and participation in environmental protection campaigns. Secondly, the paper scrutinizes the emergence of green NGOs in China in the 1990s. Chinese green NGOs possessed particular “Chinese characteristics” which distinguished them from those in the West. To date, the Chinese government is willing to allow more political space for citizen participation in environmental protection. Increasingly, green NGOs gained support not only from international communities but also from Chinese citizens who value a clean environment. Finally, the paper argues that the emergence of green NGOs offers a breakthrough in the conventional “government-reliance” attitude towards environmental protection. If these eco-activists can target non-sensitive issues, they may make profound contributions in enhancing environmental policy implementation.     

环境正义与生态帝国主义:基于美国利益集团政治和全球南北对立的分析

环境正义属于环保中的公平正义,与阶级、种族和收入差距直接相关。环境正义运动起源于美国,突出表现为反对环境种族主义的斗争,与民权运动相关联。本文系统考察了美国环境正义运动的历史及相关的国内外研究文献,并运用美国密执安大学社会研究所的《美国全国选举研究》(ANES)民意测验资料,分析了围绕环境正义问题的美国利益集团和政治意识形态冲突。同时,考察了其他一些国家的环境正义问题以及环境正义问题的国际延伸,即生态帝国主义和围绕环境正义的南北政治意识形态冲突。最后,探讨了环境正义和生态帝国主义议题对中国的启示。     

South Korean Environmental Foreign Policy

Korea's environmental foreign policy has developed in a dual-track fashion. In global environmental negotiations, Korea emphasizes environmental preservation but implementation patterns clearly prioritize its own economic interests. When it comes to regional environmental cooperation in Northeast Asia, however, Korea has often acted in the interest of the environment as the country has taken a leading role in promoting and developing environmental cooperation. It is an interesting question how Korea, a middle power in the region that acts on its own economic interests in global environmental negotiations, has taken a leading role in regional environmental cooperation. Analysis suggests that Korea's leading role in regional environmental cooperation results from its regional geopolitical situation, as well as its diplomatic efforts. Besides, Korea's vital environmental, political, and economic interests related to regional cooperation further motivate the country to take an active stance as well.     

Community Participation, the Environment, and Democracy: Brazil in Comparative Perspective

Grassroots environmental activism among Latin America's poor has altered the debate over environmental policy, social welfare, and citizenship. Yet the question remains whether this social mobilization of the poor is part of a larger trend toward broader environmental concerns and democratic political participation, or a shortlived movement susceptible to the same pressures that have dissolved community mobilization in the past. This article compares Brazil with other Latin American and European countries in surveys of environmental awareness, concerns, and reported behavior. It finds that Brazilians residing in the urban periphery link their own local environmental concerns to more global considerations, and that concern for and activism on environmental issues is positively related to wider community involvement.     

Bridging social and environmental risks: the potential for an emerging environmental justice framework in South Africa

Whereas anti-apartheid social movements engaged collectively against a repressive regime, especially in actions against social injustices, post-apartheid civil society has witnessed fragmentation when it comes to engaging jointly against neoliberal risks such as poor/no service delivery, privatisation, and environmental pollution. Civil society has not linked struggles into a coherent ideology to comprehensively challenge neoliberalism and associated risks. Research has not explored the underlying elements that contribute to reinforcing fragmentation. This article reviews the literature on key social and environmental struggles in order to draw out common elements and differences that reinforce fragmentation. The paper highlights the need for social and environmental activists to engage collectively both within their respective arenas, as well as across the social and environmental divide, if an environmental justice framework is to emerge. Social movements advocating social justice could serve as a platform to incorporate environmental discourses into their struggle to assist in formulating an environmental justice framework.     

完善中日环境合作机制的路径选择

中国和日本的环境合作项目中，双边合作效果显著。而两国参加的多边层面的环境合作虽然形式众多，但由于大多采取对话方式从而难以落实到具体的行动当中，所以合作的实质进展十分缓慢，尤其在遇到解决跨界环境危机事件的过程中，缺乏有效整合及联合应急的能力，造成效率低下。中日两国应该尝试建立常设性的联合工作小组，以及临时性的联合应急行动小组；中国和日本作为东北亚的核心国家，在东北亚区域环境合作中要发挥更大的作用；在完善中国和日本环境合作机制的前提下，两国分别具体执行自己应承担的环保角色；加强中国和日本在节能、环保等方面的合作，减轻两国能源危机压力，这四个方面是合理的对策选择。     

Why Japan's Development Aid Matters Most for Dealing with Global Environmental Problems

It is evident that Japan has made global environmental issues a top priority in its foreign policy agenda since the early 1990s. Although Japan's “environmental ODA” decision-making copes with numerous hurdles arising on both external and internal fronts, this world's largest donor nation has already shouldered a great financial responsibility to help resolve such problems on a global scale. Moreover, Tokyo has played a prominent role in efforts to establish major legally binding international agreements on environmental issues. This study argues why Japan with its economic prowess, extensive experience, and modern technologies is one of the most important actors contributing to the environment, despite the recent withering trend of Tokyo's ODA volume. Although the environment is just the kind of global dilemma the UN is perfectly positioned to address, there is actually a startling array of environmental concerns in which enhanced participation and cooperation by Japan could really make a difference. Therefore, as Japan has the goal of attaining a niche in world environmental leadership, the country needs to elevate the strategy, efficiency, and effectiveness of its aid diplomacy in the days to come.     

Japan's Environmental Cooperation with China During the Last Two Decades

Up until now, Japan's environmental cooperation with China has principally been in response to requests by the Chinese government, with Japan making major contributions in the areas of environmental policy, human resource development, and environmental management systems, and the construction of physical infrastructure. Unlike some other Western donors, Japan is heavily engaged in resolving various environmental problems throughout the whole of China, and these contributions will continue to play a powerful role in improving China's environment for many years to come. Moreover, Japan has also made a major contribution to the raising of environmental awareness among the general public throughout China, and has been instrumental in empowering Chinese environmental citizen's groups. Specifically, Japan has been providing the Chinese government with yen loans and technical cooperation, and has supplied it with many new concepts and mechanisms in the areas of environmental policy, management systems and physical infrastructure, as well. Japan has also provided a foundation for the development of China's environmental industry by means of technology transfer and human resources development. By supplying grant aid to different parts of China, Japan has played a pioneering role in the field of environmental protection in China, enabling the expansion of training and educational facilities and programs to which the Chinese government failed, due to putting a premium on a high economic growth, to allocate sufficient budget despite its awareness of the gravity of the problems that it faces. NGO environmental cooperation programs that use Japanese government grassroots and NGO grant aid and assistance of the Japan Fund for Global Environment have been highly significant factors in the resolution at the regional level of the serious environmental problems that have arisen throughout China. The role that these have played in intensifying exchanges and friendly relations at the grassroots level between Japan and the Chinese people has been highly commendable. In particular, environmental cooperation programs with China through the ten-year-old Sino-Japan Friendship Centre for Environmental Protection (SJC) have not been confined solely to solving China's environmental problems, and have accordingly helped to build a foundation for environmental cooperation with China's various neighbors and thus helped to enhance China's standing internationally.     

Development theory and Third World industrialisation

This article examines the industrial climate in Taiwan as a result of environmental regulation and activism through a survey analysis of 35 petrochemical firms on the island. The research finds first that the regulatory climate is resulting in economic uncertainty among firms as to if and when to comply with regulations leading to continued pollution control mismanagement. Furthermore, the research finds that the character of much of the environmental activism is detrimental not only to further industrial development, but also to environmental protection.     

The Quest for a United Nations Specialised Agency for the Environment

Abstract

Recent years have seen intense intergovernmental deliberations on issues concerning governance in the field of environment. Their aim has been to address the role of the institutions that provide platforms for international environmental cooperation. There are two main lines of enquiry: the role of regime-specific institutions that cater to sectoral regulatory frameworks (popularly known as multilateral environmental agreements, or MEAs); and the role of institutions that are established to follow up on global environmental conferences or a specific environmental task. Most of these institutions reflect intergovernmental consensual process. However, there are concerns about their proliferation and there is a growing cacophony of calls to ‘bring coherence to the fragmented landscape of MEAs, intergovernmental bodies, UN system entities and other international organizations’ (Sha Zukang (2011) ‘Legal and policy dimensions of sustainable development: expected contribution of Rio + 20’, Environmental Policy and Law, 41(6), pp. 244–246, at p. 245). In fact the need to bring order to environmental governance has assumed great importance and urgency if environmental cooperation is to be achieved. This paper explores, in particular, the role of the United Nations Environment Programme and its potential for conversion to a specialised agency of the UN.