公明党的“中道”政治与保守辅弼

日本公明党是脱胎于宗教团体“创价学会”的政党,经过近60年的发展,在日本政坛中占据了重要的位置,并往往起到了左右政局的关键少数作用。公明党自建党以来坚持以“中道”政治自居,其政治主张对日本政治中的自公联合执政起到了重要的辅弼作用。探讨理解公明党的“中道”政治可以从其与创价学会的历史渊源着手,进而对选民群体的社会属性进行细致的剖析,再对公明党的政治理念与其自20世纪90年代以来的政治实践等3个方面展开深入分析。公明党在政治理念上的“中道”并非单纯意义上的中间路线或宗教的调和路线,而是根据现代政党运营中寻求政治稳定性的一种诉求,与执政的自民党政治方向或理念并不存在根本冲突,因此公明党在政治实践又以中派偏右居多,对自民党的保守政治起到了重要的辅弼作用。     

府会关系视野下的美国反倾销政策变迁

美国白宫与国会的互动关系是观察美国反倾销政策变化的重要视角。一般而言,"分裂政府"的反倾销政策比"一致政府"的反倾销政策更具有保护主义色彩。在"分裂政府"的府会关系模式下,执掌白宫的党派常会被主导国会的另一党派施压,政党理念让位于府会斗争,反倾销政策主要受府会斗争影响。在"一致政府"的府会关系模式下,政党理念会超越府会斗争,反倾销政策主要受政党理念影响。20世纪70年代以来,与共和党主导的"一致政府"相比,民主党主导的"一致政府"的贸易政策更具有保护主义特性,对反倾销政策的执行会诉诸更严厉的保护主义措施。     

需求管理的瘫痪与复合性萧条--二十世纪九十年代日本经济长期萧条的原因

一、20世纪90年代日本经济现状与需求管理的瘫痪 (一)20世纪90年代日本经济增长状况 随着泡沫经济破灭,日本经济进入长期萧条时期,当年号称“世界第一”的日本在90年代沦为西方发达国家中经济实绩最差的国家之一。如下表所示,1991年以后的经济增长速度明显落后于1990年,1992年至1994年间日本经济的平均增长速度为0.63％,这     

论日本自民党的中央集权化

20世纪90年代以来,日本进行的两次大的政治制度改革以及后来断断续续进行的仍处于其延长线上的制度改革,在促进日本政治体制转型与政治生态环境变化的同时,也推动了自民党的中央集权化。自民党内以派阀为代表的非正式组织功能弱化,以总裁为中心的执行部的重要性增强,权力向以总裁为核心的执行部集中。在实际的政治运行过程中,政治制度改革的两大制度性效应即内阁首相权力的扩大与自民党总裁权力的集中相互作用、相互影响,出现"首相支配"现象。"安倍一强"的出现,是自民党中央集权化趋于成熟的象征。强大的首相(总裁)权力仍然存在不能有效控制的空间——参议院。与众议院选举制度不同、议员任期不同以及宪法赋予它的法律权限等制度性安排,使参议院具有高度独立性,同时,自民党只要不能单独控制参议院过半数议席,与公明党在参议院的联合便不可或缺。首相则有必要在参议院与联合公明党共同通过法案的参议院自民党合作。参议院成为自民党的"软肋"。     

试析新教参与韩国政治的过程及特点

宗教对韩国政治有着重要作用。解放之后,新教在政治上处于有利地位,在政治和组织化方面相对完备,美国及韩国的反共主义与对宗教的刻意扶植模糊了宗教与政治的分野。到20世纪60年代之后,宗教与政治的关系出现一定的疏远,宗教内部也出现了对立与竞争,宗教界的政治参与在各种宗教内部保守与进步势力的相互牵制下表现出各种不同的形态。在民主化时代,韩国宗教界政治参与的最大特征表现为保守阵营的大反攻,宗教界出现大范围的保守化。这种保守化的另一个发展方向就是政治势力化,各派之间组成相应的政治组织或政党,以更大限度地集中政治力量。     

日本水俣病事件与环境抗争——基于政治机会结构理论的考察

在当前中国环境群体性事件频发的背景下,考察20世纪的日本环境抗争,既能够对当前中国环境治理提供借鉴意义,也有助于在理论上扩展社会运动研究。通过20世纪50至70年代日本熊本水俣病抗争事件,能够探讨政治机会结构变迁如何对环境抗争产生影响。基于对水俣病抗争的文献搜集与实地考察,将20世纪50至70年代的水俣环境抗争分为"前抗争"阶段(1956年—1959年)、"政治机会结构扩张"阶段(1960年—1968年)和"抗争发展"阶段(1969年—1973年)。为何水俣病抗争从零散的地方暴力事件逐渐沉寂,继而在60年代末期逐渐兴起并产生全国范围的影响?其中的重要机制在于20世纪60年代期间政治机会结构的扩张。政治机会结构的扩张从4个方面促进了水俣环境抗争的发展,它们分别是:抗争组织规模扩大、抗争议题上升、官僚系统内部分裂加剧、生态合题的重要性加强。     

现代政治文明与俄罗斯的"无执政党政治"

在整个20世纪里,俄罗斯的政治生活一直处于政党政治极不健全的状态中,"无执政党的政治"是其最真实的写照,也是20世纪俄罗斯政党制度的最重要特征.现代俄罗斯的政党制度,是在现代政治文明和国内危机的双重压力下产生的.本文试图通过对20世纪沙皇俄罗斯和苏联时期的俄罗斯两个时期政党制度的简单描述,从历史分析中寻找今日俄罗斯政党政治发展的历史轨迹.     

日本对东南亚的经济外交:历史与现实

第二次世界大战后,日本对东南亚的经济外交大致可以分为五个阶段:20世纪50-60年代的"对美依存外交"、70年代的"桥梁外交"、80年代的"积极自主外交"、90年代的"重视东南亚外交"和进入21世纪后的"小泉福田主义"和"新福田主义"外交。日本战后的经济外交虽然取得了一定的成效,但也遭受了一些挫折。20世纪70年代末,越南入侵柬埔寨导致日本"桥梁外交"的失败;80年代,日本对东南亚国家实施的"积极自主外交"受到美国的干预而没有实现目标;90年代的"重视东南亚外交"因与"对美依存外交"发生结构性矛盾,而无法有效推进等。进入21世纪后,日本对东南亚外交将出现两种趋势:"小泉福田主义"和"新福田主义",但两者都摆脱不了战后日本外交面临的一个结构性矛盾,即对美依存与独立自主的亚洲外交之间的矛盾。     

印尼伊斯兰教育中的政治因素

伊斯兰教育体系是印尼穆斯林社会的重要组成部分,在传播伊斯兰宗教知识与信仰方面发挥着重要作用.印尼独立后,随着国家向世俗化与现代化方向转变,印尼的伊斯兰学校也经历了前所未有的转变."去伊斯兰教化"与"去政治化"成为印尼政府改革伊斯兰教育体系的重要方针.在苏哈托推行"新秩序"时期,改革伊斯兰教育成为政党斗争的一个焦点.一方面,印尼的传统伊斯兰学校在政府的打压下渐呈萎缩与衰落之势;另一方面,传统伊斯兰学校也被迫朝着"世俗化"与"现代化"的方向改革,求得继续生存与发展.20世纪80年代以来,随着全球伊斯兰复兴运动的发展,伊斯兰学校的宣教运动也逐渐高涨,对推动当代印尼伊斯兰激进主义的发展有着不可忽视的作用.     

摩洛哥与法国关系的发展变化

自20世纪50年代摩洛哥独立以来，摩洛哥与法国的关系经历了重塑、发展和强化这三个发展时期。20世纪90年代末以来，摩洛哥和法国的关系取得显著进展，双方政治互信增强，高层访问频繁；经贸往来增加，投资领域扩大；逐步建立起全面的合作伙伴关系。摩洛哥和法国关系发展的原因是由于双方各自的需要，即摩洛哥需要与前宗主国法国建立良好的...     

Islamism,Pluralism and the Palestine Question: The Case of Hizbullah

The political vocabulary of the Lebanese Islamist party and militia Hizbullah in relation to pluralism exhibits an important self-contradiction. In Lebanon, Hizbullah has adapted to a process of national integration after 15 years of civil war, and appears as much more positive towards pluralism now than in 1985, when it made itself known officially. However, the Palestinian resistance struggle constitutes an ever more important part of the party's political and religious identity, and in this area the party relies on a vocabulary of absolute and religiously motivated conflict. Hizbullah has made the Palestine Question into a religious absolute at the same time as it connects this question to the issue of national unity in Lebanon, questioning the patriotic credibility of every Lebanese who disagrees with it on this issue. Consequently, a conflict-oriented vocabulary ‘colonizes’ Hizbullah's more tolerant and pluralist vocabulary within Lebanon, thus hindering a further development of pluralist attitudes.     

EXILE POLITICS AND RESISTANCE TO DICTATORSHIP: THE UGANDAN ANTI-AMIN ORGANIZATIONS IN ZAMBIA, 1972-79

The contemporary debate on democracy and change in Africa appearsto have largely concentrated on the current and future roleof the political parties and the relative merits and demeritsof multi-partly politics vis-a-vis single party rule duringthe 1980s and 1990s. In the case of Uganda, not enough attentionhas been paid to the historical background to the present. Inparticular, a major lacuna has been the role played by organizationsoutside the country for most of the 1970s in the struggle toremove the Idi Amin regime (1971–79) from power. Thispaper seeks to make a contribution towards filling this gapand thus add to our knowledge of the post colonial history ofUganda. It considers critically the part played by such organizationsin the anti-Amin resistance movement which culminated in theformation of the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) inMarch 1979 and the establishment of the first post Amin governmentin Uganda a month later. While recognizing the proliferationof similar exile bodies elsewhere, this paper concentrates onZambia-based groups, the Uganda Liberation Group (Z) and theUganda National Movement.     

The Rise and Fall of the Liberal Hezbe Watan or Homeland Party in Afghanistan, 1949–52

Afghanistan is largely known as a tribal peasant society, where the dominant organised socio-political forces are the tribes and the religious establishment, and where democratic and secular movements have been generally absent from the political scene. It is the tribal chiefs and the religious establishment that represent and mobilise people. However, liberal and constitutionalist movements in the country have had a relatively rich background since the early twentieth century. While the first constitutionalist political party emerged in the early 1900s, the first liberal party, Watan (or Homeland), emerged in the late 1940s in the aftermath of World War II, when the government allowed some changes in the method of ruling. The party became the most vocal and influential in political circles at the time. This article examines how a liberal-nationalist political party emerged and operated even though the ruling class had little desire for fundamental changes such as the separation of powers, freedom of expression or rule of law. It explores the features of the party, including its platform, goals, social and ethno-religious make-up and the method of struggle chosen to achieve its objectives, which also enabled it to take a leading role in the political process in the early 1950s.     

The territorial genealogies of Russia's political parties and the transferability of political machines

This article uses statistical analysis of aggregate electoral returns in order to establish continuities in the territorial patterns of support between four major political parties of contemporary Russia, on the one hand, and those parties that contested national legislative (Duma) elections from 1993 through 2007, on the other hand. It is hypothesized that such continuities, dubbed “territorial genealogies,” are largely rooted in the migration of region-based gubernatorial political machines from one national party to another, which constitutes a major flow of organizational continuity in the development of political parties. Statistical analysis confirms that the main hubs of machine politics in Russia's regions, originating from the intra-elite struggles of the 1990s, provide United Russia with the territorial core of its current support. Other political parties retain electoral salience in those regions where their electoral appeal is not mitigated by the presence of political machines, which underscores the importance of non-machine party organization for their electoral destinies.     

Political parties in MENA: their functions and development

Abstract

This article provides an overview of the development of parties and party systems in the MENA region from early oligarchic pluralism to the mass single-party systems of the populist era and the limited multi-party experiments of the 1990s era of political liberalization. The survey shows how parties develop in parallel with the deepening of politicization and become nearly indispensable adjuncts in the construction of political order. The article then examines parties in the post-2010 period, with case studies of Turkey, Egypt, and Tunisia demonstrating how very different configurations of party development dramatically impact on regime trajectories, ranging from democratization to hybrid regimes.     

Political Parties and Women’s Rights in Turkey

Abstract

Political parties are important political actors, but they are seldom studied in relation to human rights. This article examines the human rights discourse of political parties in Turkey by focusing on women’s rights. The content analysis of party programmes issued by major political parties between 1923 and 2007 reveals significant differences and changes in parties’ approach to women, ranging from no mentioning of women to addressing women’s issues from a feminist perspective. Women’s rights and issues, once neglected practically by all political parties, have gained attention during the last few decades, largely due to women’s activism. While conservative, religious, and Turkish nationalist parties started to display a dualist approach that combines traditionalism with gender equality, social democrat, socialist, and pro-Kurdish parties increasingly employ feminist terminology and analysis.     

韩国国会政治中诱发肢体冲突现象的因素初探

肢体冲突是议会内处于劣势的少数党为表达抗议、进行自我防御的一种议事途径和手段。其最终目的是要通过议事妨害、拖延,达到阻止争议法案顺利通过的目的。研究表明,多数党的＂规则强权＂与少数党的＂自我保护、自我救济＂之间的对抗是引发肢体冲突的根本原因;而少数党以肢体冲突作为首选斗争方式,则根源于韩国国会制度中威权主义权力的运行惯例,以及议事规则中缺乏对少数党权利保障而形成的多数党与少数党严重的政治不平衡局面;从深层结构看,肢体冲突还与国会内部、政党内部的社会资本状况不足有着内在的联系。     

Cambodia and the United Nations - Legal Documents

ABSTRACT

This study examines the evolution of political party finance in Thailand, which has been crucial for party development. The nature of party finance cannot be examined separately from the country's democratization given that the military early on dominated political parties. At the same time, such financing traditionally depended upon either regional factions (for larger parties) or party leaders (for micro-parties), while state funding for parties was nonexistent. The 1998 and 2007 Organic Acts on Political Parties contained finance reforms to strengthen parties, making them more transparent and accountable. Yet these reforms have only been partly successful. Today party leaders, faction leaders, and the military continue to influence party finance. This study addresses the issue of party finance in Thailand by scrutinizing its historical evolution from the dawn of Thai parties and party laws in the 1950s to the present. The authors conclude, first, that the limited nature of party finance laws in the pre-1998 period legitimized military-backed parties while facilitating intra-party factionalism. Second, they contend that despite reforms in party finance laws in Thailand major flaws remain to be corrected.     

意大利北方联盟政党的地区民粹主义政策述评

20世纪90年代的"净手运动"之后,意大利在二战后维持了40多年的政党格局发生了根本性变革,传统政党或分化瓦解,或易帜改名,新建立的北方联盟作为代表北方地区利益的反对党,借机迅速崛起,并且三次进入右翼联合组阁的中央政府。随着时间推移和政治环境的改变,地区民粹主义的政治策略变为制约因素,使北方联盟陷入两难困境。本文拟追踪北方联盟地区民粹主义政治策略的演变过程,剖析它的选民基础,并对它的现状和发展前景做出评价。     

Frente Amplio and the Crafting of a Social Democratic Alternative in Uruguay

This study of Uruguay's Frente Amplio explores four central questions for the analysis of the “new Latin American left.” How did a leftist alternative emerge and grow inside an institutionalized party system? How do the socioeconomic and political factors that enabled the rise of the left in Uruguay differ from those observed in other Latin American cases? How did Frente Amplio adapt itself to profit from the opportunities that arose during the 1990s? What are the implications of the previous factors for governmental action by the FA? In answering these questions, this study integrates an analysis of the sociological and political-institutional opportunity structures consolidated during the 1990s with one of strategic partisan adaptation processes. This perspective is useful for explaining how, by 2004, Frente Amplio had built a dual support base from its historical constituency and a socially heterogeneous group alienated from traditional parties due to economic and political discontent.