三种欧盟概念及其对应的欧洲公民社会角色

本文认为，公民社会的概念不仅是模棱两可的，而且是与欧洲政治实体的本质特征的不同形象联系在一起的。正因为如此，有人认为公民社会在欧盟发挥着政治性的作用，是欧盟民主的标志，笔者对此难以认同。笔者建立了一个分析框架，总结出欧盟的三个彼此相异的概念，并分析了在每一个概念中，公民社会在推动欧盟民主化进程中的不同作用。通过实证分析，笔者揭示出一些潜藏于袁象下的观念，在这些观念的推动下，欧盟委员会促使公民社会参与欧盟的治理活动，并研究这些观念随着欧盟与公民社会关系的结构化是如何发生变化的。本文认为，不存在严密的规范性的理论方案，这导致人们赋予公民社会彼此矛盾的不同角色，结果不仅没有提升、反而降低了欧盟的民主程度。     

论公民社会组织在欧盟问责中的角色

欧盟治理的网络和多层级特点给其问责带来诸多问题,尤其是民主问责缺失或被弱化.本世纪初以来,公民社会组织的参与已成为欧盟治理中的核心要素,这一“参与转向”为其在欧盟问责中发挥作用创造了有利条件.鉴于欧里政体的特殊性,有必要对问责概念乃至评价问责的视角做出调整,由此可以凸显公民社会组织的参与或者说社会问责在提高欧盟问责效果...     

试论欧盟多重治理结构中的民主机制

欧盟是当今世界上一体化水平最高的地区,实行了一套以制度建设为主多重治理结构。与成员国较为单一的民主制度不同,欧盟的民主合法性充分体现在欧洲治理的各层面和各维度上,是西方各种民主机制的杂糅和混合,形成与成员国不同、与一般国际组织和其他地区不同的民主机制,这些民主机制是欧盟合法性的主要来源。本文主要分析了在欧盟的多重治理结构中民主机制、民主赤字以及未来欧盟民主发展的方向。     

日本地方治理中的公民社会组织参与模式——以自治会为例

公民社会组织的参与是治理体系的重要构成部分。其中地方治理强调地方分权和地方居民自治背景下的治理体系,地方居民为主体的公民组织是其重要参与者。日本的自治会作为地方社区的基层公民组织,无论从数量上还是分布规模来看都是日本最大的公民组织,是日本地方治理中的重要参与者。同时自治会又具有辅助行政功能的色彩,与市区町村的地方政府保持良好的合作、协调关系是其特色。因此自治会在参与地方治理中表现出了"行政媒介型公民参与模式"的特征。自治会一方面发动地方居民的力量参与地方治理,实现地方居民的主体性参与;另一方面通过参与协助地方政府的行政,和地方政府保持良好的合作关系进而达到影响地方政府的目的。     

论欧盟制宪过程对欧洲公民身份建设的积极影响

2000年欧盟制宪运动开始之前,欧洲公民身份经历了从市场公民身份到政治和社会公民身份两个阶段的发展。欧盟制宪是包含多重议题和内容的动态政治过程,它推动欧洲公民身份建设跨入了一个新阶段:宪法公民身份建设阶段。公民对制宪过程积极的民主参与和意见表达引发了他们对自我身份的重新理解和定位,促进了欧洲认同意识的发展;宪法对欧洲公民宪法性地位的规定、对公民权利的极大丰富以及为实施和保障公民权利所进行的统一的联盟司法体系建设都代表着未来欧洲公民身份发展的方向。从推动欧洲公民身份建设的积极意义来看,宪法条约遭否决不能简单地被视为倒退行为。     

公民社会运动与韩国的民主发展

公民社会运动对于民主发展有着十分重要的作用。在韩国民主发展过程中，公民社会组织的作用是两面性的，它经历了一个由不成熟到逐步成熟的过程。20世纪60年代以来，韩国的公民社会组织大举进入政治舞台，通过游行、示威等抗议斗争瓦解专制、维护民主，然而由于公民社会组织自身的一些缺点，也造成了政治混乱和社会失控局面的出现，以往一些学者认为韩国的民主发展是在民主力量与专制政府的长期斗争中展开的。对此，我们需要重新评价，同时也要重新认识政府在实现民主过程中的作用，正是“威权主义”政府维护了民主的基本形式和框架，使政治文化获得了进化的时间，这一贡献不可忽视。     

欧盟参与北极治理的合法性研究

近年来,极地治理成为显学,北极治理的重要性愈发突显,一方面是因为北极冰盖加速融化,北极地区的能源开发、航道开通和环境保护等问题成为国际关注的焦点,另一方面是北极地区涉及国际行为体众多,合作与竞争共存。作为域外行为体,欧盟参与北极治理的合法性既需要考虑内部政策制定的合法性层面,又需要考虑国际合法性层面。从内部来看,根据欧盟条约与规则规范,欧盟拥有的权能使其能够制定北极政策,参与北极治理。从外部来看,北极理事会成员国对欧盟的态度较为分化,但普遍承认欧盟在北极治理中的积极角色。同时,欧盟在气候变化、航道、渔业和能源领域推动北极治理合作的深化也为其参与北极事务奠定了国际合法性。     

欧盟治理下社会伙伴的角色变化

欧盟/共同体层面的制度建设改变了社会伙伴的偏好、兴趣以及思想,将他们吸引到"欧洲社会共同体"中。社会伙伴在欧盟治理的传统模式——共同体方法下,发展社会对话、参与三方会谈并为立法提供咨询;在《马约》签订后,借助社会伙伴程序,社会伙伴享有了直接参与立法的权利;而在欧盟新型治理模式——开放式协调法下社会伙伴又与公民社会一道在欧盟的政策制定、政策实施和政策监督中发挥重要的作用。本文尝试对社会伙伴在标准立法程序、社会伙伴程序以及开放式协调法三种决策机制下的作用进行具体分析,力求从一个侧面反映欧盟治理的特征。     

“去议会化”还是“再议会化”?——欧盟的双重民主建构

欧洲共同体/欧洲联盟作为新型政治形态的出现与发展,对建立在民族国家基础上的传统政治学理论提出了诸多挑战,特别是《马斯特里赫特条约》生效之后,欧洲政治一体化不断深入,欧盟的权能也不断扩大,其政策领域涉及的范围越来越广,并且开始越来越多地触及与成员国主权有关的敏感问题,从而引起了对于欧盟是否具有民主合法性的愈益广泛的关注。而2008年以来的国际金融危机使得欧盟"民主赤字"问题再次成为人们关注的焦点,特别是欧盟决策机制缺乏民主监督的问题。本文认为,事实上,欧盟多年来一直致力于通过多种途径,特别是通过加强欧洲议会和成员国议会在欧盟决策程序中的作用和影响来改善和增强民主,以构建一种双重民主。到目前为止,这种"双重民主"途径对于增强欧盟的民主合法性起到了重要作用。     

欧盟反危机措施的司法审查研究——兼论后危机时代欧洲一体化模式的博弈

欧元区债务危机不但意味着金融和经济危机,更衍生了欧盟的社会和政治合法性危机。欧洲央行和欧洲理事会推出的反危机措施虽然收到抵抗危机与稳定欧元区之效,但在此过程中形成的欧盟经济治理的行政联邦主义模式却在欧盟和成员国两个层面损害了欧洲一体化的政治合法性,更刺激了欧洲一体化三种模式之间博弈的激烈化。在对欧元区债务危机进行控制和管理的过程中,欧洲央行推出的"直接货币交易计划"和"公共部门购买计划"先后接受了德国联邦宪法法院和欧洲法院的司法审查。在初步裁决机制中,欧洲法院的司法审查主要关注欧洲央行上述计划的货币政策属性及其与"禁止货币融资"条款的一致性,德国联邦宪法法院的宪法审查则立足于德国《基本法》的民主原则。两个法院两种不同的司法判决逻辑背后事实上是两种一体化模式的竞争:欧洲央行和欧洲理事会构成的"欧盟经济政府"的行政联邦主义模式以及德国联邦议会和联邦政府所代表的"民主的、主权的成员国"的有限一体化模式。面对反危机措施的行政联邦主义模式造成的欧盟民主与合法性危机,哈贝马斯与法国总统马克龙等人提出了有关财政经济政策一体化与推动民主合法性重心向欧盟层面转移的民主联邦主义模式主张。2019年的欧洲议会选举与欧委会主席选举将成为三种模式的博弈之战,其结果也将成为未来欧洲一体化的路标。     

Europeanisation and De-Europeanisation Dynamics in Turkey: The Case of Environmental Organisations

Abstract

While Europeanisation of civil society in Turkey has received considerable attention, there has been much less interest in how environmental organisations, as key civil society actors, have been affected by Europeanisation/de-Europeanisation dynamics. Interviews with civil society representatives and European Union (EU) and Turkish policy-makers indicate that the EU impact on environmental organisations has been ambivalent, and that Europeanisation dynamics are intertwined with the adverse consequences of these processes. While Turkey’s EU candidacy has empowered civil society through both EU-isation and Europeanisation, there has also been a remarkable rise of scepticism towards the EU’s civil society strategy and the EU has lost its attractiveness as a normative context in environmental debates.     

Organisierte Zivilgesellschaft im EU-Verfassungsprozess: Partner des Regierens oder Konstituent politischer Ordnung?

A new role has been ascribed to civil society within the EU-constitutional process. It is not only regarded as a partner in governance but also as a constituent of the emerging EU-polity. Civil society appears in this process primarily as the structure of voice that is articulated in relation to EU-governance and that claims to represent European citizens. The article proposes an analytical framework and a methodology of how to analyze civil society in its role as constituency. The research agenda is linked to the intermediary and the representative function of organised civil society as a transmission belt of legitimatory discourse on the EU. In order to reconstruct how potential interests, identities and normative ideas relating to the legitimacy of a EU constitutional order are contested within national politics, our research draws on a survey of German civil society organisations in three sectors: a) consumer interest organisations, b) churches and religious organisations, and c) women and gender equality groups.     

De-Europeanisation of Civil Society and Public Debates in Turkey: The Kurdish Question Revisited

Abstract

This study discusses the dynamics of de-Europeanisation and the changing impact of Europe on the politically mobilised civil society involved in the public debates concerning Turkey’s Kurdish question. The article first critically assesses how and in what ways the legal and constitutional reforms on the freedom of assembly required by the European Union (EU) changed the political structure in which civil society organisations (CSOs) operate in Turkey. It then examines the views of CSOs on the potential roles and limitations of the EU in the Kurdish question and the peace process which lasted between March 2013 and July 2015. It also delineates the reasons why the political context of Europeanisation is not seen as instrumental by these CSOs to framing and justifying their arguments.     

公民社会组织对欧盟政策制定的影响——以生物技术政策为例

欧洲的公民社会组织虽然不具备正式的决策权,但在欧盟一些政策领域已经成为重要的参与者。但是学界对公民社会组织如何影响欧盟的政策制定仍然众说纷纭。本文选择若干议程设置理论建立起一个整合的分析框架,通过透视环保组织在欧盟生物技术政策议程设置过程中的策略选择,尝试性地探讨公民社会组织对欧盟政策制定的作用方式以及影响其策略选择的关键因素。     

Playground or Democratisation? New Participatory Procedures at the European Commission

In the previous decade, the European Commission has promoted direct citizen involvement in European Union (EU) affairs via institutions such as deliberative polls, citizen conferences, online consultations or citizens' initiatives. Do these instruments foster EU democratisation? In this article, the Commission's participatory turn is re‐constructed. Against the yardstick of a democracy theoretical framework, two participatory instruments (European Citizens' Consultations and the Commission's online consultations) are assessed. Both instruments are seriously flawed: the ECC cannot resolve the trade‐off between demanding and egalitarian participation, and remains almost unrecognised outside the forum (bridging problem). Online consultations suffer both from a lack of active participation and of the symbolic accountability of the Commission to the contributions of ordinary citizens.     

Why the EU Still Matters in Turkish Domestic Politics: Insights from Recent Reforms in Migration Policy

Abstract

In view of Turkey’s increasing distance from the European Union (EU), the continued partial alignment with EU standards is often attributed either to domestic factors, or to diffusion processes induced by external actors other than the EU. However, based on interviews with officials from Turkey and the European Commission on recent reforms in migration policy, this article argues that two factors are responsible for continued EU influence on policy processes. First, the EU is still able to set incentives for compliance. Second, the instrument for pre-accession assistance has an impact that goes beyond that of a mere facilitator of domestically defined interests.     

Pares Inter Pares? The Bargaining Success of the Commission,the Council,and the Parliament in European Union Legislative Negotiations

This research note tries to determine how politically successful the Council, the Commission, and the European Parliament are in the area of EU legislative decision‐making. After reviewing the literature, a research design is presented which incorporates information on the policy preferences of the different institutional actors for 70 recent EU legislative decisions that were negotiated under the consultation and the codecision procedure. We use correlation and OLS regression to analyze the distances between what the EU institutional actors want and what they eventually get out of the process. The findings of the analysis are that (1) the preference profiles of the three actors are rather dissimilar, and that (2) the success rates of the Council are higher than the rates of the Commission and Parliament.     

“地缘政治欧洲”:欧盟力量的地缘政治转向?

新一届欧盟委员会明确将自己定位为“地缘政治欧委会”,预示着欧盟对外政策出现地缘政治转向,“地缘政治欧洲”或将成为欧盟力量的新标签。“地缘政治欧洲”的定位,是对此前欧盟作为“民事力量”“规范力量”和“联系力量”的补充和修正。基于对自身地缘敏感性与脆弱性的新认知,加强欧盟在地缘政治世界中的力量已成为欧洲政治精英的共识。“地缘政治欧洲”包含内外双层地缘结构,不仅要加强军事力量,向陆权倾斜,还要巩固内部堡垒,强化欧洲地缘政治参与者的主体性与空间性,工具化欧盟经济力量,加大数字与技术、基础设施领域的竞争。中国应重视“地缘政治欧洲”的回归,主动调整对欧方略,推动中欧战略对接。     

The EU against the New Normal: Avoiding the Banalization of the Israeli‒Palestinian Dispute

This article assesses the European Union (EU)’s engagement with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and highlights the unintended consequences of the policies pursued by Brussels on this matter. While stressing that Palestinians and Israelis interested in peace face the danger of the banalization of the conflict, the article argues that the current status quo is unacceptable and unstainable in the long run, and this demands new policies from the actors involved with the conflict or its resolution. The EU policies’ overall rationale must be to treat the Israeli?Palestinian dispute as a normal, non-exceptional conflict, in which economic and legal tools can be employed to create new legal facts on the ground. An alternative EU approach to the conflict must recognize the insufficiency of recent initiatives and should be built upon two pillars: the legalization of the main contending issues and the empowerment of the civil society actors and initiatives that foster dialogue between Palestinians and Israelis.     

EMU Political Leadership vs. Greek Civil Society: How Shall We Live Together?

EMU is a political programme at risk: its reform must reconnect with the original Community ethos as well as institutional and policy changes. Historically this ethos manifested itself in public practices of power as action in concert (‘promise’) and generosity (‘gift’), which Arendt, Mauss and Ricoeur’s political thought helps define. The 2012 Fiscal Compact moved away from such practices. Some Greek civil society organizations have demonstrated more genuine commitment to promise and generosity during the Greek fiscal crisis. This is not unique to Greece. EU parliaments and executives must consult with civil society meaningfully to properly integrate EMU within EU law.