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1.
"三个代表"重要思想是执政党的执政实践活动的行动指南,是认识执政规律、提高执政能力、夯实执政基础、改进执政方式、发挥执政优势的指导思想;同时执政党的执政实践活动也是"三个代表"重要思想得以检验与发展的实践根基.  相似文献   

2.
任晓蕙 《理论导刊》2005,(11):68-69
西部资源丰富既是优势,也包含着劣势.西部发展既要依托资源优势,又要尽量减少资源型产业带来的弊端.资源以及对资源的节约,在相当长的一段时间将成为我国发展的一个"悖论".如何破解这样的"悖论",是西部发展面临的一大课题.  相似文献   

3.
"堵"与"疏"都是思想政治工作的具体方法,对于这一点,人们已经有所认识.但是,如何正确认识和处理好"堵"与"疏"的辩证关系,在努力发挥思想政治工作的宣传功能、组织功能和教育功能的同时,充分发挥其批判功能和疏导功能,在实践过程中往往不是那么顺利,因此,必须从思想上提高认识、加以重视. 一我们所说的思想政治工作中的"堵"和"疏",是从广义来讲的."堵"是指"堵塞"、"抵制"、"批判"、"斗争"而言;"疏"是指"疏通"、"引导"、"调解"、"化解"之意.  相似文献   

4.
发展县域经济的关键是要充分发挥本地的优势.优势与劣势都是相对的.对于一个地区来说,没有绝对的优势,也没有绝对的劣势.优势只有在比较中才可以认定,劣势也只有在比较中才会发现.评价县域经济的比较优势要注意客观性、动态性、层次性和全面性.评价的内容应包括自然条件和自然资源比较优势、生产要素和经济结构比较优势、人文资源比较优势和政策资源比较优势等诸多方面.在分析评价不同方面的比较优势时,应运用不同的评价标准和视角,并注意各种比较优势的互补性.  相似文献   

5.
知识经济时代的来临和经济全球化步伐的加快 ,在给我国产业发展提供了难得的机遇的同时 ,也带来了前所未有的挑战。因此 ,迫切需要制定出切实可行的产业发展战略。本文在分析现有产业发展战略的基础上 ,提出我国在进行产业发展战略选择时应将遵循比较优势和发挥后发优势有机地结合起来 ,以比较优势促进发优势 ,以后发优势带动比较优势 ,形成“联合优势战略”。  相似文献   

6.
在深化改革的基础上 ,充分发挥国有企业的优势 ,是坚持发挥国有经济在国民经济中的主导作用的基础。要从三个方面科学地认识国有企业的优势。即从国有企业的性质分析中 ,从国有企业的功能分析中 ,以及从国有企业的目标分析中 ,界定和把握国有企业的优势  相似文献   

7.
建设深圳国际低碳城,作为一个全新的课题,必须从三方面进行深层次的探索:首先是选在何处建:要从项目所在地发现优势并加以发挥.其次是建设什么样:要在规划、设计中明确它的定位和标准.再次是如何建:要在实施蓝图中不断寻求对策、措施.本文主要是对选址优势、项目定位与建设对策的一些思考.  相似文献   

8.
《学理论》2017,(8)
本文站在国家的层面,从"中国制造2025"的角度出发,考量提升长株潭核心增长极地位和作用,在充分挖掘长株潭比较优势(气候优势、地理优势、工业基础优势、人才优势)的基础上,提出了提升长株潭核心增长极地位和作用的五个措施:以"城"的思维打造大型企业,发挥产业的集群效应;以"网"的思维发展中小企业,突破传统的地域市场范围的制约;以"孵"的思维发展微型企业,鼓励微型企业的发展,夯实长株潭地区的发展根基;以"智"的思维提升传统的制造业;以"群"的思维进一步深化长株潭城市群的发展。  相似文献   

9.
《瞭望》2008,(17)
4月10日,海尔洗衣机在上海宣布与 GE 消费与工业品集团、GE 传感及检测科技集团。(以下简称 GE)展开合作,结成合作伙伴,将在洗衣机的"环保"、"节能"、"低噪音"、"智能化控制"等方面开展深层次研究,开发出划时代的新技术并迅速应用到产品中。此次合作,标志着中国白色家电高端技术领域的跨界国际化企业合作,进入了一个全新的阶段,对于中国家电产业的国际化和高端化,无疑起到了极大的推动作用。海尔在2008年提出了"i"战略.展开了跨国、跨界的全球优势资源的整合协作,与 GE 的合作无疑就是这一模式的产物。今天海尔的市场渠道、生产能力、执行力,加上GE 的深度合作,将会是在全球合作背景下,发挥比较优势的又一商业合作典范。  相似文献   

10.
发挥我国农产品在对外贸易中的复合比较优势   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近年来,国内学术界出现了关于比较优势和竞争优势的论争。争论的焦点是我国的对外贸易是应以比较优势还是以竞争优势为基础。通过对我国农产品比较优势的实证分析得出结论:我国农产品正逐渐丧失其比较优势。要增强我国农产品在国际市场上的竞争力,关键是要从增强其内生比较优势入手,发挥其复合比较优势。  相似文献   

11.
This study concerns how intraorganizational networks affect the implementation of policies and practices in organizations. In particular, we attend to the role of the informal subgroup or clique in cultivating and distributing locally adapted and integrated knowledge, or know‐how. We develop two hypotheses based on the importance of intraorganizational coordination for an organization's capacity for change. The first emphasizes the importance of distributing know‐how evenly to potential recipient subgroups. The second emphasizes the importance of restricting know‐how to flow from high know‐how subgroups. We test our hypotheses with longitudinal network data in 21 schools, finding stronger support for the second hypothesis than the first. Our findings can help managers cultivate know‐how flows to contribute to organizational change.  相似文献   

12.
本文阐述华中系统数控机床中CF卡文件丢失、CF卡损坏检查方法,CF卡丢失文件的修复,在DOS状态下格式化新的CF卡,复制新的CF卡,用Win PE操作系统Ghost软件镜像新的CF卡文件,并说明具体操作步骤。  相似文献   

13.
中国女性文学批评正是由于缺乏与本土男性批评者的对话意识,才导致了对西方女性主义某种程度的认同与盲从.对于女性文学批评而言,如何理解“对话”的含义、如何理解“性别身份”、如何处置西方女性主义与本土女性文学批评的关系、如何对待女作家创作是保持批评生命活力的几个关键问题.身处主流批评领域的男性批评者能够参与女性文学批评的对话,是在为女性文学批评的更好发展提出意见.  相似文献   

14.
李焕梅 《学理论》2009,(12):12-13
共青团工作在高校教育事业中处于基础性战略性的重要地位,本文结合科学发展观的内涵,阐述了新形势下高校共青团工作必须转化理念,树立服务意识,加强大学生的校园文化建设与社会实践,提高共青团干部的素质修养,不断丰富科学发展观的具体内容,树立共青团事业全面、协调、可持续的科学发展观,进一步推动高校共青团工作的发展。  相似文献   

15.
This paper takes a discourse–design approach to communication, providing a framework as to how this should be done. Design here is how individuals and institutions realize their interests in the world. We show how it is fruitful to link design more closely to the way discourse has been used in critical studies which draws attention to the motivated use of design, for thinking about design in terms of socio-political context. Due to their affordances, semiotic modes such as photography, graphics, layout, colour, numbers and writing will be deployed and co-articulated. The aim, using a discourse–design approach, is to show how we can best identify the very different affordances of such modes and how they rely on the principled design of a discourse. We illustrate this using examples from management documents at a university which draw on these different affordances in different ways to communicate the same discourse. Through this analysis we see how a neoliberal discourse based on a general design principle of coordination enters everyday practices and become very difficult to challenge.  相似文献   

16.
Transnational security governance initiatives in West Africa, operationalized through international statebuilding interventions, are altering the sub-region’s borders and border enforcement. The article employs a practice-oriented ‘global security assemblages’ approach to demonstrate how border security professionals compete over how, who, and where to secure the border from borderless threats like drug trafficking. The article demonstrates this theoretical position empirically through an analysis of struggles over a flagship drug control project implemented by the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) at Senegal’s Leopold Sédar Senghor (LSS) airport—AIRCOP. Senegalese customs, police, and gendarmes simultaneously cooperate and compete with international actors, private actors based at the airport, and amongst themselves, over how to curb drug trafficking. Through these competitive struggles over who should be the border’s guardian and how it should be guarded, it can be seen how new security practices and understandings are devised, as well as how borders become (re)constituted within the connected spaces of global security assemblages.  相似文献   

17.
This paper shows that how a politician votes is unrelated to whether he faces re-election. This contradicts the universal agreement by economists that political behavior is constrained by the threat of re-election. Contrary to the existing work on ideology, I show that ideology can prevent rather than cause opportunistic behavior. My discussion of ideology can explain why the last period does not affect how a politician votes but only how often he votes. Besides providing an explanation for how politicians can internalize the long-run returns to investments through ideology, my results show that political parties have no effect on how retiring congressmen vote. Finally, I shall try to argue that politicians are search and not experience goods.  相似文献   

18.
This article explores the notion of time in relation to the recording of peace and conflict. In particular the article is interested in how concepts of time (linear, seasonal, vague, precise, etc.) shape the narrative of events – giving them an apparent order. A close look at the mechanics of how accounts of conflict are compiled and presented, and how time is represented within them, reveals an ambiguity and social construction of the temporal dimension in accounts of conflict. This article draws on two data sets on violence in Darfur – one quantitative, one qualitative – to investigate how time is represented, focusing on how ‘events’ are captured and produce real-time actionable data, and how the data sets cope with narratives of chronic insecurity.  相似文献   

19.
The Covid-19 pandemic has revealed and accelerated an information crisis as well as a health one. What we discover about Covid 19, how it spreads, to whom and why and how best to mitigate it—all depend on information. The essays in this special section, which this article introduces, explore the importance of information and the fundamental role of fact checkers in understanding how information flows, why mistakes are made, and how to counteract them. Fact checking as an idea and a practice emerged in the early twenty-first century, developed as a positive beacon to counteract a growing sense that information could no longer be trusted. Now, more than a decade after its creation, fact checking sits within a far more complex and chaotic media context, and its expertise and understanding has never been so important. We need to understand what fact checkers do because they are grappling with how to tether us to reality.  相似文献   

20.
The responsibilities of citizenship have, in recent years, become a central concern in political and policy debates. Nevertheless, the practical meanings of such responsibilities have remained opaque. This article examines these meanings by asking what theories of citizenship have to say about how people engage with, and accept, their responsibilities. An examination of how the liberal, communitarian, republican and deliberative democratic theories explain the way citizens engage with their responsibilities shows that only deliberative democratic theory provides a nuanced range of concepts that may explain the acceptance of responsibility. In specific, Habermas's deliberative democratic theory is underpinned by a model of how the individual may develop a range of mental capacities to accept the extensive responsibilities associated with the deliberative citizen. By explaining how the individual grapples with her personal responsibilities, this approach also explains how she can deal with her responsibilities as a citizen. Four discourses through which people accept their responsibilities are thereby identified. These include egotistical, conformist, reformist and reflexive discourses. These discourses are explored by drawing on interviews with groups for whom the privatization of responsibility may have particular meanings. Using these interviews, this paper explores how people accept their personal responsibilities, thereby unfolding the discourses people use to deal with their citizenship responsibilities. In particular, by accepting the deliberative democratic contention that the individual already has the capacities to act as the deliberative citizen, it is possible to come to a view of just how people accept both their personal and citizenship responsibilities.  相似文献   

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