虚实之间--论赛博自由

赛博自由是以现实实践为指导而在赛博网络空间对对象真善美追求的虚拟实践过程中生成的超越性观念和实践活动。赛博自由作为网络时代自由的新形态，是人的现实自由新的实现方式，具有创造性、开放性、意志自由性、审美自由性、形式的虚拟性和价值的实在性。赛博自由给予人的正面功能远远大于它的负面影响。当前，人类应多一份理性和自省，在虚拟与现实之间保持合理的张力，努力开拓赛博自由和现实自由虚实统一、虚实相间、共生互动、互利双赢的实践之径。     

论虚拟财产法律保护的必要性

在网络游戏产业迅速发展的同时,各类因网络游戏而发生的纠纷也随之而来,虚拟财产的相关诉讼也不断出现。网络虚拟财产自身具有的虚拟性、技术限制性、交易性、价值性以及期限性的特征决定了其是我国法律所保护的一种财产权利。将从虚拟财产的概况,虚拟财产的法律属性以及虚拟财产保护的必要性三个方面论述关于虚拟财产法律属性的一些问题。     

虚拟实践及其特征

该文探讨了虚拟和虚拟实践,分析了虚拟实践的四个特征,即虚拟性、客观实在性、有机整体性和主客体界限的淡化,在一定程度上廓清了当代语境下虚拟实践的特有内涵和特征。     

虚拟技术视域下道德消隐的深层原因

虚拟技术导致的道德消隐,是指虚拟技术在传统形式上的主体与道德决定之间构筑了心理屏障,行为者的身份隐匿增强了个体的道德真空效应.从道德的含义看,虚拟技术解构了道德存在的源动力因素；从现实交往实践看,网络身份加重了网络道德危机的可能性；从个体意识看,虚拟技术导致的自我中心主义是恶的意识产生的根源.     

虚拟财产法律性质初探

虚拟财产具有虚拟性、价值性和界限性等特征。虚拟财产是一种独立的财产,具有独立的财产权。只有在此基础之上,虚拟财产才有可能受到法律的保护。     

电脑网络空间文化刍议

遍布全球的因特网营造出一个不同于现实物理空间的虚拟的信息交流空间,即所谓的电脑网络空间。电脑网络空间文化是一个与因特网相对应的文化概念。具有虚拟性、全球性、交互性、开放性的文化特征;是信息技术革命的产物,代表着一种全新的社会文化形式和生存方式。     

群体性事件的网络舆情及其传播逻辑

网络作为虚拟话语平台已嵌入公共生活,建构了一种新型的数字化生存状态,而网络舆情与群体性事件的交织与共生所产生的张力,成为公共治理无法回避的课题.当下的网络成为了利益主体的利益求解渠道,普通网民的话语表达平台,行政官僚的传统权威挑战.在群体性事件中,网络所固有的虚拟性、即时性、匿名性等特性,生成了蝴蝶效应、群体极化、匿名制服等效应,这些均成为公共治理的困境.     

虚拟社会管理创新初探

一、虚拟社会的概念及特征 (一)虚拟社会的概念 虚拟社会是一种源于计算机网络技术不断普及和发展而形成的一种新的社会形态,是指现实社会中的个人和组织以现代计算机网络为基础和框架,在各种虚拟空间中展开活动,相互作用、相互影响而形成的社会关系体.     

网络虚拟公共领域中民众伦理向度探析

公共领域的现代性发展是人类社交活动不断更新的产物。网络虚拟公共领域在众多方面较传统的公共领域都体现了其现代性、创新性等特征,为民众交往行为提供了更多便利。然而,不少人却利用网络平台下公共领域的虚拟性肆意妄为,罔顾道德与良知。因此,要想完善网络虚拟公共领域的建设,健全网络虚拟公共领域运行机制,就要不断提高民众道德水准,使其树立正确的伦理价值观,以"自律"代替"他律"。     

网络环境对高校爱国主义教育的负面效应及对策

网络因其形式上的虚拟性与内容上的复杂性在现实空间中扮演着"信息库"、"减压阀"和"透视镜"等重要角色。基于此三种角色,一方面,高校爱国主义教育在实施层面上的内容信度、方式接受度和主体地位上均受到了冲击,出现"失信"、"失灵"、"失位"的问题;另一方面,在教育效果层面上的"意"、"信"、"行"的落实也层层受阻。故而,重塑其内容的信度、方式的活性和主体之主导地位,实现价值观念和现实空间、思维能力和行为能力的衔接,优化网络资源成为必须之策。     

情感与网络抗争动员——基于湖北“石首事件”的个案分析

本文打通个人层次与社会层次联系,从微观层面展现当代中国网络政治抗争动员的一般图景,以克服资源动员理论对中国网络政治抗争动员机制解释的不适应问题。湖北"石首事件"个案分析表明,情感在网络政治抗争动员过程中发挥着决定性的作用。从个体层次看,事件对网民的情感刺激决定了网民对事件的解读方式,从而直接影响公共话语建构和网民的社会认同。从社会层次看,网民情感反应根植于社会文化之中,社会文化框架决定着政府与网民互动的模式,直接决定网络政治抗争动员框架的建构。打通个体分析层次与社会分析层次的联系是理解情感影响下的社会认同建构是根本,也是理解当代中国网络政治抗争的根本。分析情感对网络政治抗争动员的影响有利于深入理解网络社会运动的内在机理,也有利于政府科学应对网络集体行动,促进政府与公众的良性互动。     

Cyberspace Effects on Civil Society. The Ultimate Game-Changer or Not?

ABSTRACT

The article studies the effects of the emergence of cyberspace, or digitization, on civil society, and develops an analytical framework to that effect. It is distinguished between four types of civil societies: apolitical, political, transnational, and uncivic. Each type of civil society is considered separately vis-à-vis cyberspace developments in order to understand what kind of civil society is enhanced by these developments and, conversely, what kind of civil society is constrained. This understanding helps inform how cyberspace has changed the more generic society-state relations. While one can identify many instrumental changes and developments in civil society practices, the article concludes that the emergence of cyberspace has not profoundly changed society in terms of the relative power of one type of civil society over another. Thus, its transformative power is rather limited in a more fundamental sense. The empirical focus of the article is on Norwegian civil society, representing a Western developed democratic state, but it is argued that while the empirical results may vary, the analytical framework can arguably be applied and tailored to any society.     

Party strategies,world demand,and unemployment in Britain and the United States, 1947–1983

This paper replicates and extends earlier work on the politics of macroeconomic policy by considering political effects on unemployment in Britain and the United States from 1947 to 1983. Unemployment falls under left-wing governments and rises under right-wing governments. However, these partisan effects on unemployment in an open economy like Britain's can only be satisfactorily estimated relative to the level of world economic activity. The United States has major effects on world economic activity but is also subject to feedback from the economies of other countries. Politicians' strategic incentives and economic regime constraints determine whether partisan effects on unemployment will be sustained, transitory, or absent. In Britain, only a model in which partisan impacts are transitory satisfactorily estimates the effects of changes of party control. In the United States, only the transitory-impact model is able to estimate partisan effects in recent administrations.     

网络空间政治安全的国家责任与国家治理

在国家治理现代化进程中,网络空间政治安全治理是主权国家必须担负的政治责任和时代使命,也是必须履行的政治义务,它体现着主权国家的现代治理能力。事实上,在网络化、信息化、技术化和全球化时代,网络空间国家政治安全已经发生了很多不同于物理时空环境中的变化。这是建构网络空间政治安全观以及国家治理责任的根本前提。在此前提下,网络空间政治安全观以及国家治理责任的建构,还需要以网络空间中技术环境、政治权力与政治权利的结构与配置、各政治主体的利益诉求与表达以及心理认知等为核心要素。因此,网络空间政治安全的国家治理应从两个方面进行:即在物理层面上,国家对于网络和通讯通信基础设施的保障和创新;在治理层面上,国家应从网络空间政治安全的制度化能力、控制能力和控制智慧、国家认同与国家合法性以及治理体系建构能力等方面理性、科学、协同地维护和捍卫网络空间政治安全。     

On studying world order: A plea for systematic inquiry

Conclusion The creation of improved systems of world order requires great care. Alternative configurations may or may not prove more suitable, and each must be painstakingly examined on its own merits. For those of us who are actively concerned with studying about world order, this means the application of a far more rigorous conception of inquiry to our subject. So long as we cannot accept the Leibnizian claim that this is certainly the best of all possible worlds, our search for better ones must certainly be the best of all possible searches. This means that models of world order must be derived from appropriate hypotheses and subjected to the strictures of systematic analysis. World order studies must be treated in accordance with the strict canons of inquiry outlined in this essay. Only then can they begin to develop the highly generalized system of theory that characterizes any science.     

网络空间草根政治运动及其公共治理

网络空间草根政治运动是草根力量以维护其利益为目的,运用网络技术组织的抗争性集体行动。草根政治运动在网络空间兴起是社会转型时期贫富分化的结果,也是网络时代权力重新分配的结果。它的表现形式主要有网络政治动员、网络舆论批评监督、网络政治参与,它有利于国家-市场-社会关系的优化,也有利于国家治理的发展,同时也可能给政治秩序稳定带来极大的难题。因此,对网络空间草根政治治理必须坚持整体性治理原则,引导与规制并举,现实政治与虚拟空间治理并重,使网络空间草根政治运动成为社会主义民主政治的重要建设性力量而非颠覆性力量。     

论行政立法与公众的利益表达

随着社会发展的需要，行政立法在世界范围内已成为一种普通现象，但任何形式的法律其存在的目前是为人民谋更大的福利。分析和研究国内外的立法理论与实践可以看出，公众在行政立法过程的利益表达既存在理论基础也具有规范性的依据。然而在行政立法过程中的公众利益表达机制设计必须解决三个前提性的问题，即利益表达的主体的确定、利益外化的承载体和有效的表达方式。     

解放思想的当代形态与阐释维度

解放思想是重大政治问题，又是理想生活问题。它是人与社会发展的共同需要，是一种与思想活动、生活行动和社会运动相互贯通的总体性和长期性过程。解放思想作为思想意识的形态，说明它不等于但又依存于、倾向于思想解放，它和思想解放融合在主体的生活世界之中。这是基于哲学世界观的认识维度。解放思想作为生活意识的形态，就是主体直面生活的开放态度、是主体从容生活作为发展意识的形态，说明它是推进全社会更彻底的思想解放、更协调的科学发展的社会精神气质。这是基于哲学发展观的建构维度。     

Religious Conflicts in Cyberage

The rise of the Internet has a profound impact on the way conflicts are carried out and the faithful practice their religions. This article explores new dimensions of religious conflicts by theoretically reflecting on new developments in cyberage and by substantiating this with an empirical case study—the Moluccan conflict (Eastern Indonesia). Due to the exponential growth of Internet access worldwide, religions and their followers are increasingly expanding into the online world as a new “marketplace” for religious symbols and identities that fosters religious transnationalism. At the same time conflict actors worldwide have been making increasing use of the Internet to expand their networks, plan actions and fight their enemies. While scholars have so far primarily focused on more globalized online terrorism, this paper analyses a conflict that has mainly been fought out between Christians and Muslims in a remote part of this world, but then expanded into cyberspace. Local conflict actors have used the Internet as a global stage for their cause, to connect to and seek support from their transnational religious communities, but also to manipulate the outside world's perception of the Moluccan conflict. Researching the online projects and identity politics of these actors and their offline contexts, it becomes clear that the Internet has helped to essentialize (religious) identities and to influence the conflict at the local level through the networking and mobilization of people worldwide.     

Cultural Difference

President Trump’s criticisms of minorities, immigrants, and poor countries, while controversial, point to the need to discuss cultural differences more candidly. Much of the upset over diversity in America and the world results from the fact that everyone is not the same. The United States is the world’s most individualist country, where most people approach life as a quest to achieve their personal goals. But most minority Americans and recent immigrants tend to adjust to the world as it is rather than seeking change. That is a major reason why integration of these groups has proven difficult. Poor countries abroad are often ill-governed because local culture accepts misrule more passively than in the West. The entire American tradition, including political theory and theology, takes an individualist culture as normal and thus fails to address our current challenges. We need a new tradition in which cultural difference is the subject rather than denied.