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1.
The Age of Geoeconomics, China’s Global Role, and Prospects of Cross-Strait Integration 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
James C. Hsiung 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):113-133
After noting the rise of geoeconomics in the post-Cold War era, the paper ascertains how the age of geoeconomics re-defines
power and the rules of the balance of power game. Of particular significance is that a nation’s economic security eclipses
its military security (or traditional national defense). In this context, I examine the meanings of the rise of a re-ascendant
China for world politics in general and for Taiwan’s future in particular. Considering Taiwan’s heavy dependence on imported
natural resources and its isolation and exclusion from vital international economic groupings, such as FTA’s. ASEAN, ASEM,
and the 16-nation Asian super economic bloc in the marking. Finally, I take a prospective look at the prospect of a future
cross-Strait integration between Taiwan and mainland China under the impact of the dictate of geoeconomics.
James C. Hsiung is Professor of Politics, at New York University, in New York, N.Y. His teaching and research interests are in international politics theory, international governance, international law, and international relations of Asia. 相似文献
James C. HsiungEmail: |
James C. Hsiung is Professor of Politics, at New York University, in New York, N.Y. His teaching and research interests are in international politics theory, international governance, international law, and international relations of Asia. 相似文献
2.
In this paper, we examine whether the impact of negative advertising on citizens’ evaluations of candidates depends on the
gender of the candidates. Given common gender stereotypes, we expect negative campaigning aimed at women candidates will affect
citizens differently than negative campaigning against male candidates. The results of our study, derived from a survey experiment
conducted on a nationwide sample of more than 700 citizens, demonstrate that negative commercials are less effective at depressing
evaluations of woman candidates, compared to male candidates. The findings are consistent and strong, across a range of forces
that people use to assess competing candidates (i.e., affect and trait evaluations, people’s beliefs about issues, anticipated
vote choice). The tight control of the experimental design, including randomization of respondents into different conditions
that vary in only one way, demonstrates that the gender of the candidate influences people’s reactions to different types
of negative commercials.
相似文献
Patrick J. KenneyEmail: |
3.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
相似文献
Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
4.
Robert L. Jackson 《Society》2008,45(1):20-29
Over the past year, several published volumes have argued that American politics is careening out of control, toward a slippery
slope of twenty-first century theocracy. Most of these books present tendentious interpretations of contemporary politics
as matter-of-fact analysis. The reader is assumed to hold the same interpretive bias and warned of the dangers of a new and
powerful American “fundamentalism.” The current article explores a historical parallel to today’s trend. Nearly a century
ago, the Progressive Education movement sought to undermine the pedagogical dominance of traditional, literature-based education,
preferring a more socially-conscious curriculum. The striking similarities between John Dewey’s anti-traditional approach
and the present-day anti-theocracy faction are multitude—and worth our consideration. The seeds of Progressive Education are
now producing weeds of anti-religious sentiment across America’s political landscape—a cultural phenomena that is constricting
the growth of a much needed civil discourse.
相似文献
Robert L. JacksonEmail: |
5.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
6.
Daniel Chirot 《Society》2008,45(5):425-428
The next president of the USA will surely correct some of the Bush administration’s most egregious policy errors, particularly
its gross insensitivity to the rest of the world’s opinions and its extreme bellicosity. To restore trust in American, and
to strengthen national security, better diplomacy will be necessary. Strengthening a demoralized and nearly dysfunctional
State Department by acknowledging the vital role foreign area experts must play will have to be a major part of the new administration’s
policy.
相似文献
Daniel ChirotEmail: |
7.
Robert Carle 《Society》2008,45(2):181-190
In the 1980s, Britain’s Labour Party promoted a system of race-relations that envisioned Britain as a collection of discrete
cultures with equal status. This multicultural model for organizing society conflicted with traditional British notions of
a unified national culture, with an assimilationist model of immigrant incorporation. Today, the Labour Party’s relationship
with Islamists is sharply dividing Labour’s “rainbow” constituency. Whereas the horrific events of 9/11 and 7/7 have led many
Labour leaders to replace its defense of multiculturalism with Tory-sounding calls for immigrant assimilation, other Labour
leaders are working harder than ever to accommodate their Muslim constituents.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
8.
Arthur Asa Berger 《Society》2008,45(4):327-329
This essay starts with a discussion of the scope of tourism as a major force in our contemporary global consumer culture.
It also contains information on the development of tourism education in universities and problems students studying tourism
often face in the workplace. The main function of the essay is to introduce the articles I have solicited from a number of
tourism scholars, which reflect various disciplinary approaches to tourism. They deal with the following topics: sociological
studies of tourism and modernism, questions about postmodernism and the role of authenticity in tourism, a historical perspective
on the growth of the cruise industry, a case study investigating the role of advertising in tourism and an analysis of the
functions of stereotypes in tourism. It is hoped that these essays will induce scholars not working in the area to consider
investigating tourism in future research.
相似文献
Arthur Asa BergerEmail: |
9.
Erik Cohen 《Society》2008,45(4):330-333
Tourism, a domain of considerable importance in the contemporary world, has long been overlooked by social scientists, but
has recently become a field attracting a growing body of research. In sociology, the relation between tourism and modernity
at first constituted the issue of principal interest, the discourse focusing on the extent to which modern Western tourists
seek authentic experiences on their trip. The article discusses the changes in the terms of the discourse, contingent upon
the growing similarity of the world in the wake of globalization, the emergence of the “post-tourist,” and the diversification
in the composition of tourists, with the growth in the number of travelers from non-Western countries. The question of the
limits of the future expansion of the tourist system is raised in conclusion.
相似文献
Erik CohenEmail: |
10.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
相似文献
George CrowderEmail: |
11.
Mark N. Katz 《Society》2008,45(2):177-180
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.
相似文献
Mark N. KatzEmail: |
12.
The Denial of Virtue 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Amitai Etzioni 《Society》2008,45(1):12-19
When a New York City man risked his own life to save a stranger on the subway tracks, the New York Times interpreted his behavior
not in terms of virtue but as a product of certain ‘hard-wiring’ he happened to possess. In denying virtue, the Times followed
a school of thought that is pervasive in social science (referred to in this paper as the ‘individualists’) who, for example,
explain charitable donations by pointing out tax deductions, explain volunteer work by revealing the opportunities contained
therein to meet other singles, and so on. Actually, the assumptions and arguments which ground this widespread ‘denial of
virtue’ are both empirically and normatively flawed, and the theory itself is belied by data about people doing good for moral
reasons. Evidence drawn from personal introspection, from empirical studies of human behavior, from analysis of voting as
a civil act, from interpreting peoples’ reaction to Alzheimer’s disease, from critical inspection of the logic of ‘individualist’
social explanations, and from a normative criticism of the products of the ‘individualist’ approach all support a rejection
of the ‘individualist’ approach. The deniers of virtue should heed the evidence and pay mind to the amoralizing consequences
of their erroneous theories.
相似文献
Amitai EtzioniEmail: |
13.
Well over $1 billion was spent on televised political advertising in the U.S. in 2004. Given the ubiquity of the 30 second
spot, one might presume that ads must affect viewers’ vote choices. Somewhat surprisingly, though, scholars have yet to make
much progress in confirming this claim. In this paper, we leverage a comprehensive dataset that tracks political ads in the
nation’s top media markets and a survey of presidential and U.S. Senate voters in 2004. We ask whether exposure to presidential
and Senate advertising influences voters’ evaluations of candidates and the choices that they make at the ballot box. In the
end, we find considerable evidence that advertising persuades—and that its impact varies depending on the characteristics
of the viewer.
相似文献
Travis N. RidoutEmail: |
14.
Peter Skerry 《Society》2008,45(1):46-52
The situations of nineteenth century dock workers and today’s immigrant day laborers bear striking similarities and challenges,
especially for those seeking to organize them into labor unions. The obstacles confronting such organizing efforts also underscore
the legitimate concerns many Americans have about the threats to social order posed by immigrants today.
相似文献
Peter SkerryEmail: |
15.
James Lyon 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(1):71-92
Sandžak has the largest Muslim Slav (Bosniak) community in the Balkans outside Bosnia–Herzegovina. In 1990, Sandžak Bosniaks
organized a branch of the Party of Democratic Action (Alija Izetbegović’s party) and began to agitate for regional autonomy.
During the 1990s under Slobodan Milošević’s regime, local Bosniaks became the victims of state terror that saw widespread
official discrimination and the ethnic cleansing of entire villages. In spite of having a high birth rate, the Bosniak population
of Sandžak declined by 7.88% in the years 1991–2002 entirely because of the Milošević regime’s policies. Since the overthrow
of Milošević, however, the Belgrade government has begun investing in the region’s infrastructure and economy. As a result,
the situation for Bosniaks of Sandžak has improved since 2001.
This article relies on more than 500 hours of oral interviews conducted by the author throughout Sandžak.
相似文献
James LyonEmail: |
16.
Frank Furedi 《Society》2009,46(3):235-236
This essay questions Callahan’s criticism of people’s aspiration to extend their life. It argues that ideas about life are
subject to historical variations and the question at issue is whether society can give meaning to aging. It also questions
the claim that the radical extension of human life will jeopardize the welfare of future generations. It suggests that the
application of the precautionary principle to the question of aging avoid facing up to question how society should value the
old.
相似文献
Frank FurediEmail: |
17.
Brian D. Mc Kenzie 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):25-45
Few studies consider how Putnam’s bridging and bonding social capital arguments apply to voluntary associations within American
minority group communities. Consequently, I examine African-American civic groups to explore Putnam’s claims about the potential
negative political effects of bonding social capital. In contrast to the bonding social capital thesis, I argue that black
communal associations encourage African-Americans to be involved in a variety of mainstream civic and political activities
that reach beyond their own group interests. Using the 1993–1994 National Black Politics Study I demonstrate that although
black organizations are predominantly composed of African-Americans and work to advance their interests, these goals are not
pursued at the expense of connecting blacks to others in the general polity.
相似文献
Brian D. Mc KenzieEmail: |
18.
Sandall’s complaint that the Enlightenment is in danger is not new as it repeats a long standing complaint about “the betrayal
of the intellectuals”. But the danger today is not from either the Muslim world or from the marginalized academics who pursue
an anti-liberal multicultural agenda that belittles the Western liberal tradition. In the United States the menace comes from
the much more powerful far right that has abandoned America’s Enlightenment tradition. It is time for academics to start teaching
students what that tradition is all about, and why it needs to be defended, but spreading fear about weak and divided Muslim
societies is not the way.
相似文献
Daniel ChirotEmail: |
19.
Lejla Hadzic 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(1):137-151
The Dayton General Framework Agreement for Peace of late 1995 brought a ceasefire and an end to the killings in Bosnia. More
than 11 years after its signing, some of Dayton’s outlined aims for Bosnia remain unfulfilled or realized with mixed results.
Late in 2005, on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of Dayton, leading world political figures raved about the successes
of Dayton, but the immediate calls for the reform of Constitution included in the Dayton agreement, which followed the praise,
are perhaps a better indicator of the Agreement’s shortfalls in transitioning the Bosnian society from war to peace and subsequently
creating a functioning state since its signing. The outlined aims of Dayton were undoubtedly ambitious. This article will
examine the successes and failures of Dayton, within the framework of its own aims and jurisdiction – which themselves, in
the process, evolved and changed – to protect human rights with respect to the freedom of movement, the return of refugees,
and the war crime indictments.
相似文献
Lejla HadzicEmail: |
20.
Joanna R. Quinn 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):55-71
Getting to peace is not a straightforward process. In Uganda, internal conflict has raged for more than 20 years between the
Government and the Lord’s Resistance Army. The construction of a comprehensive negotiated settlement is at the mercy of conflicting
ideologies and influences at the international, national and grassroots levels. This paper examines the Juba peace talks,
the major actors in the negotiation process, and tension between prosecution and amnesty.
相似文献
Joanna R. QuinnEmail: |