北京城市独生子女父母老年居住意愿研究

老年人的居住意愿对代际关系、照料方式都会产生影响。影响独生子女父母居住意愿的因素主要有父母的年龄、健康状况,子女的性别、年龄、文化程度及两代家庭的住房数量。研究结果表明,子女与父母的文化程度悬殊,会促使父母选择不愿意与子女一起生活。在健康状况允许的情况下,独生子女父母往往选择与子女分开居住。但随着年龄的逐渐增长,父母对得到子女照顾的需求和亲情慰藉的渴望会逐渐增强。     

流动儿童身份认同困境与对策研究

通过对广西南宁市X城中村流动儿童的调查,发现跟随父母流动到城市生活的儿童面临自我身份认同低、人际交往缺乏、城市本地人对外来人口的歧视与排斥等身份认同困境,造成这些困境的原因包括户籍制度的阻碍,经济文化的差异,教育政策的不完善,以及个人融入意愿的影响等。为此,文章提出政策制度的完善、学校相关制度的改革、社会工作者的介入等对策来提升流动儿童的自我身份认同感。     

谈单亲家庭的子女教育

夫妻离婚，其子女随父或母生活的一方，就成了单亲家庭。我国的离婚率在日益增长，罕亲家庭在日益增多，社会一再呼吁不要离婚，皆无济于事，而如何解决年余家庭子女的教育问题，是当前社会比较关注的问题。一、对单亲家庭子女的教育，不单要靠家庭，更多的要靠全社会在封建社会，由于生产力发展水平所限，教育子女的责任，主要由家庭承担，孩子受教育的程度，主要取决于父母的素质和文化程度。出生在父母素质比较高的家庭，相应的子女素质也比较高，出生在父母文化程度比较高的家庭，子女文化程度也相应比较高。孩子的接入持物、道德品行、…     

中国边疆民族政策的实证调查

边疆多民族地区的经济建设和社会发展，是政府主导型的一个社会进程，中国政府在这个过程中承担着重大的政治责任和社会责任。本文通过对中国政府在边疆多民族地区经济、社会领域若干政策的回顾，以及对边疆多民族地区社会现状的调查，指出长期以来“效率优先”的改革思想，地方政府“效率单边独追”的畸形发展方式与中央政府“民族主义”的政策导向，是造成边疆地区对中央政府政策认同度低的重要原因。     

基于社会性别的劳动力迁移与农村留守老人的生活福利——基于劳动力流入地和流出地的调查

大规模的劳动力外迁不仅加速了农村地区的老龄化,也给农村传统的家庭养老带来了深远的影响。利用西安交通大学人口与发展研究所在安徽省巢湖农村地区进行的"安徽省老年人生活福利状况"的四期追踪调查数据和在广东省深圳市进行的"外来农村流动人口"抽样调查数据,同时面向农村人口流入地和流出地,基于社会性别视角,研究农村劳动力外迁对农村留守老人生活福利的影响。研究表明,目前的农村家庭养老表现出传统和变革共存的特征;子女外迁给农村老年父母的生活福利带来双面影响,使得老年人获得的经济支持增加的同时,也造成了对老年人的生活照料和情感支持的减少,加重了老年人照料孙子女的负担,影响了老年人的健康福利;子女在城市外出务工带来了传统孝文化的弱化,但女儿的养老功能得以增强,长期低生育率条件下发生的大规模农村人口流动使得传统依靠儿子养老的家庭养老模式开始发生转变。本文最后探讨了在劳动力外流背景下政府提高农村留守老人生活福利的政策建议。     

国家重点森林生态功能区生态移民的政府责任研究

国家重点森林生态功能区生态移民中的政府角色定位主要有以下几个方面:生态移民法律和政策的制定者;生态移民规划和方案的设计者;生态移民相关主体利益的协调者;生态移民过程中移民权益的维护者;管理和治理生态环境责任的直接承担者。其应当承担的相应政府责任,按照行政区划的不同分为中央政府责任与地方政府责任;按照作用对象的不同,分为对生态环境的责任与对移民群体的责任。具体来说政府的责任内容为经济责任、生态责任、社会责任、法律责任和制度创新责任。强化国家重点森林生态功能区生态移民政府责任的对策措施应为:转变政府执政理念,健全民主监督机制,发挥社会协同作用,创新后期扶持政策,加强生态环境保护,做好宣传教育工作。     

重塑政策监控理论促进政府责任的思考

当前政策监控理论失效与实践失灵已经成为一种常态。既有的政策监控理论或因静态描述而失去解释力，或因狭隘视野而散失生命力，使得一部政策监控史也就周而复始地演绎着一部灾难发生史；现实中政治权力和经济权力的相互纠缠，不断形成对政策监控实践的挑战，而主宰化的思维在这一过程中推波助澜。避免政策监控的失灵和政府责任的缺失，不仅仅在诸如加大宣传力度、提高人员素质、健全法律法规、完善制度机制等方面要老调重提，更需要消除主宰化的管理思维，建立公民权与行政权相分立、符合公民意愿的政府责任体系。     

自残维权的发生与政府责任

自残维权是指自愿地、故意地通过伤害自己身体或生命的方式来维护个人权利。自残维权者的个人绝望是自残维权发生的直接原因;媒体与网络的关注与赞扬是自残维权发生的间接推动力;社会转型下的集体急躁是自残维权发生的社会诱因。阻断自残维权政府需要承担一定的责任：通过谨慎制定和修订法律法规、公正人道地执法减少对生存权和尊严的侵害;通过塑造中立者、引入沟通机制保证维权路径的通畅;通过媒体与网络的引导,弱化媒体和网络对自残维权的积极暗示;通过公民教育系统工程的全面启动,努力培育公民的理性维权意识;通过社会支持的建立、社会工作的介入与心理安抚等方式消除社会转型下的集体急躁对他们行为选择的潜在影响。     

中国长期照护筹资与公共财政转型

随着人口老龄化,失能老人的数量迅速增加,但家庭照顾的能力和意愿在持续弱化。日益增长的长期照护需求与照护供给不充分不平衡的矛盾日益突出,长期照护已经成为一项新的社会风险。政府提供长期照护保障既有利于增进社会公平,又有利于促进经济社会的发展。在我国,政府相继出台了促进养老服务业发展的政策、持续增加养老服务的财政投入,但是仍然存在财政筹资政策不健全、筹资水平不充分和筹资结构不合理的问题。基于能促型国家的视角,急需强化财政投入水平、创新财政投入方式:从供给侧来看,应以大财政的视角,综合运用税收、金融等政策工具,完善财政支持机构养老、居家养老、家庭养老的方式;从需求侧来看,应发挥财政在长期护理补贴中的托底责任、长期护理保险中的财政补贴责任、商业长期护理保险中的税收优惠政策。     

父母教养方式与大学生社会化的研究

本文通过对全国六大区 １５８０名在校大学生父母教养方式问卷（ＥＭＢＵ）的调查统计结果发现：当代大学生社会化过程中的父母教养方式具有高拒绝否认和高惩罚严厉两大特点，其父母教养方式存在诸多不尽人意之处。作者呼吁加强在校大学生的心理教育，以消除不当父母教养方式给当代大学生造成的心理伤害，并倡导中国家庭的父母教养方式由“严父严母型”转型为“慈父慈母型”、“严父慈母型”或“慈父严母型”。     

Parental Leave and Gender Equality: Lessons from the European Union

abstract This article describes the development of European Union parental leave policy and its impact on mothers'and fathers'access to parental leave in the individual nations that make up the union. Cross-national variations in parental leave policy are described and analyzed. Although the 15 countries belonging to the EU in 2002 are concerned about helping working parents reconcile employment and family responsibilities, so far, only one—Sweden—has begun to develop a parental leave policy likely to facilitate men's and women's sharing of responsibility for breadwinning and child care.     

Factors that impede and facilitate management careers of women in the Malaysian civil service

Female and male managers of the Malaysian civil service were surveyed in an attempt to elucidate the factors that have facilitated and hindered their careers. The emphasis in this article is on career differences between women and men. Many of the conditions which inhibit the careers of female managers elsewhere in the world were also reported by those sampled. Family requirements and resulting role conflict were evident. Many women have not married. There was some evidence of sexual harassment. There is a suggestion that women may suffer from low self-esteem and attribute their career progress primarily to luck. On the positive side, and despite a government policy that has resulted in more public resources for higher education being awarded to men than to women, women managers have achieved career success. This is largely because of the socioeconomic status of their parents and the apparent willingness of parents to educate female offspring who were not necessarily the first-born.     

Effective child support policy for low‐income families: evidence from street level research

Since 1984, policymakers have increasingly turned their attention to reforming the child support system. Despite this attention, the child support system has often failed to increase the economic security of single‐parent families. This article analyzes findings from recent qualitative studies to explain why the child support system breaks down for so many low‐income families. This research suggests that parents often prefer informal arrangements of support and do not comply with child support regulations they perceive to be unfair, counterproductive, or punitive. It also suggests that there is a mismatch between the premises and goals of child support policy and what low‐income parents desire from the system. This mismatch impedes low‐income parents' willingness and ability to comply with existing policy, even when they wish to do so, and will make reform difficult. © 2001 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.     

TRANSLATING THE PROBLEMS OF THE ELDERLY INTO EFFECTIVE POLICIES: AN ANALYSIS OF FILIAL ATTITUDES

This paper examines the political implications of current decision making efforts that underpin recent cost-cutting measures of federally supported programs serving the elderly. Current policy changes that favor the private sector (e.g., shifts of the cost of care to other levels of government and to elderly individuals and their families) have also generated a renewed interest in the policy of mandating family responsibility. The paper also examines attitudes concerning filial responsibility, such as multigenerational living. The inadequacy of current policy analysis that has encouraged the disestablishment of the current long-term care system and the shifting of care costs to the private sector, especially to the individual and the family are also examined.     

Government Responsibility and Electoral Accountability in Federations

Because federalism can be a threat to accountability, a modelof voting behavior in federations must accommodate voters' attributionsof responsibility to each order of government for policy outcomes.This study uses a panel survey of Canadians in both federaland provincial elections to ask whether voters are able to holdgovernments accountable in a federal context. Voters may ignoreissues where responsibility is unclear, they may reward or punishboth the federal and provincial governments to the same degree,or the confusion of jurisdiction may sour them on the governmentor even the political system. Canadians who blamed both governmentsfor problems in health care did not lake this judgment to theirvoting decision in either the 2000 federal election or the 2001elections in Alberta and British Columbia, while those who couldidentify primary responsibility did so. Federalism and intergovernmentalpolicymaking may reduce voters' ability to hold their governmentsaccountable.     

Responsibility attribution in coalition governments: Evidence from Germany

Models of coalition governance suggest that political parties pursue the interests of their electorate through the ministerial control of policy in their portfolios. Yet, little is known whether voters reward or punish coalition parties for policy performance in their portfolios. This study investigates voters’ evaluations of the policy priorities of coalition parties and their responsibility attribution in twenty policy areas using survey data from Germany. Specifically, we investigate whether voters attribute policy responsibility equally across coalition parties, along the jurisdictional lines of ministerial portfolios, or to the dominant party in the coalition. Our findings suggest that party size, prime minister status, and ministerial portfolios are decisive for responsibility attribution.     

The checks and balances of party federalism: German federal government in a divided legislature

Abstract In this study, we assess the potential for policy change of the German government of Helmut Kohl after unification combining party positions with formal bicameral settings in a spatial model of legislative action. We distinguish between two policy areas and two types of legislation, mandatory and non–mandatory legislation imposing either a symmetric or asymmetric power distribution between both German chambers. In order to identify German legislators' party positions in different policy areas, we use data from ECPR Party Manifesto research covering the period from German unification in 1990 to the end of the government of Helmut Kohl in 1998. We find that the federal government of Helmut Kohl had a policy leadership position until April 1991 with no procedural differences, but the gridlock danger for governmental proposals was higher on the societal than the economic dimension. Afterwards, the government's potential for policy change was considerably determined by the type of legislation, independently from the policy dimension. At the end of the Kohl era, the governmental policy leadership position was limited to policies that left even the opposition majority of German states better off. The procedural settings mattered greatly on the economic dimension, and the danger of gridlock on societal policy was smaller only for non–mandatory legislation.     

The checks and balances of party federalism: German federal government in a divided legislature

In this study, we assess the potential for policy change of the German government of Helmut Kohl after unification combining party positions with formal bicameral settings in a spatial model of legislative action. We distinguish between two policy areas and two types of legislation, mandatory and non–mandatory legislation imposing either a symmetric or asymmetric power distribution between both German chambers. In order to identify German legislators' party positions in different policy areas, we use data from ECPR Party Manifesto research covering the period from German unification in 1990 to the end of the government of Helmut Kohl in 1998. We find that the federal government of Helmut Kohl had a policy leadership position until April 1991 with no procedural differences, but the gridlock danger for governmental proposals was higher on the societal than the economic dimension. Afterwards, the government's potential for policy change was considerably determined by the type of legislation, independently from the policy dimension. At the end of the Kohl era, the governmental policy leadership position was limited to policies that left even the opposition majority of German states better off. The procedural settings mattered greatly on the economic dimension, and the danger of gridlock on societal policy was smaller only for non–mandatory legislation.     

Cost of ruling as a game of tones: The accumulation of bad news and incumbents’ vote loss

An extensive body of research documents how governing parties generally suffer electoral defeats. Varying explanations have been offered, most of which touch upon the liabilities of policy responsibility. Although media coverage is generally acknowledged as one of these liabilities, few empirical studies have examined how news content affect government support. Based on the fact that voters get their information about politics, policies and societal issues from the media, this article studies how the constant stream of negative news influences incumbent support over a 20-year period in Denmark. Modeling a previously untested argument on the cost of ruling, it shows that the accumulation of bad news throughout tenure exerts a substantial effect on government support.     

Should I Care or Should I Work? The Impact of Work on Informal Care

This paper provides novel evidence on how a sharp increase in labor force participation among older women affects the provision of informal care to their older parents. Based on data from Understanding Society – The UK Household Longitudinal Study, we use an instrumental variable approach that exploits a unique reform that increased the female State Pension age by up to six years. Our results provide evidence of a trade-off between the intensive margin of work and informal care provided outside the household: an increase of 10 hours of work per week reduces the provision of informal care by 2.1 hours a week, which amounts to roughly £2,100 of yearly care-hours lost. This reduction in caregiving is largest among women working in physically or psychosocially demanding jobs, and “sandwich generation” women who have both a living grandchild and a parent alive. Using data from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing, we show that older parents whose daughters became ineligible to claim their pensions experienced a significant reduction in the amount of care they receive from their daughters, which was not compensated by an increase in formal care or other sources of support. Our results suggest that policies that increase older workers’ labor supply require changes in long-term care policy that compensate for the loss of informal care.