社会治理创新视角下我国网络问政的发展路径探析

网络问政本质上是公众通过网络表达诉求、实现参政议政的新型民主形式。它在推动社会治理体制创新的过程中发挥着越来越重要的作用。针对目前网络问政中存在的互联网技术不完善、网民的非理性表达、政府运用网络问政的能力不强和网络问政相关法律制度不完善的问题,本文提出了推动社会治理创新发展的途径——规范网络问政技术平台,加强网民意识的培养,加强政府应对网络问政的能力,完善网络问政相关法律制度。     

我国网络问政的主要形式及其发展策略

当前，我国网络问政存在有序的自上而下、无序的自上而下、无序的自下而上和有序的自下而上四种形式。自上而下的网络问政形式中，政府所起的作用是主要的，因此需要政府有更大的作为，使网络问政更加有序化：（1）确立制度化、规范化网络问政管理制度。主要包括二三个方面的规范化管理制度，即网络问政办理机制、网络发言人制度、网络问政评议和问责制。     

网络问政的伦理思考

公民以网络为载体而进行民主政治参与，在现代社会具有必然趋势。与传统的民主政治参与比较，网络问政更直接、便捷和广泛，体现了民主、自由、平等的积极伦理意义。但网络的特点也决定了网络问政必然存在消极的影响，带来了诸多的伦理问题。有效地约束和规范网络问政，既是保障公民民主政治权利的要求，也是国家民主政治生活有序进行的前提。     

网络问政：模式与方向

随着信息技术的深入普及和网民数量的急剧增加,互联网不仅成为人们学习、工作、社交、娱乐的工具,还成为表达政治观点,参与政治生活的重要渠道。网络问政就是这样一个以互联网为载体的政府与网民的双向互动机制。日渐兴起的网络问政正成为我国民主发展的新形式,深刻地改善了公民政治参与的技术手段。     

思想政治教育视角下的“网络问政”研究

随着互联网时代的到来,网络作为一种新兴手段在我国民主参与中发挥了重要的作用。"网络问政"平台的建立不仅拉近政府与公民的距离,消除地位悬殊,也让公民拥有平等对话协商权利。然而,在其不可比拟的优越性下,网络自身存在的缺陷亦不可忽视。这些缺陷如若不加以重视,必将影响到我国社会主义和谐发展。因此首先提出民主建设中"网络问政"平台的优点,其次强调"网络问政"平台运行中存在的问题,最后试图从思想政治教育的角度,完善"网络问政"平台。     

实现社会主义民主政治的制度化、规范化、程序化

发展社会主义民主政治，建设社会主义政治文明，是全面建设小康社会的重要目标。社会主义民主的本质是人民当家作主，国家的一切权力属于人民，而社会主义民主必须有制度和法制作保障。党的十六大报告指出，要着重加强制度建设，实现社会主义民主政治的制度化、规范化和程序化。政治法治化是人民实现当家作主权力的根本途径，是社会稳定、国家长治久安的根本保证。要建设社会主义政治文明，就必须努力实现社会主义民主政治的制度化、规范化、程序化。     

“网络问政”如何制度化

正在目前的互联网时代,网络作为一种新的工具、手段,成为普通民众最重要的公众参与形式,富有时代特征。在互联网时代,网络问政正在逐步变为各级党政机构和政府治国理政的一种常态,也成为政府获取民意,问计于民、问需于民、问政于民最有效的途径和手段。如何使网络问政规范化、制度化,使之不是一种随意的行为,而变成一种切实可行的制度?在把网络问政制度化方面,我们至少需要从三个方面努力:     

服务型地方政府网络问政平台建设

构建服务型政府是新世纪中国政府行政管理改革的总体目标和战略定位。党的十七大报告提出要加快政府管理体制改革，努力建设服务型政府。近年来，伴随互联网在中国的快速普及以及公民民主意识、维权意识和参政议政能力的不断提高，依托网络信息技术平台基础上的网络问政发展迅速，逐渐成为地方政府的执政新风，并日渐成为现实政治行政体制微观变革的重要推动力量。     

论中国共产党的民主执政

民主执政是中国共产党的性质和宗旨所决定的。坚持民主政治最能代表中国最广大人民的根本利益，坚持民主政治有利于保持社会持续健康稳定发展，为此，必须通过制度的改革创新不断提高中国共产党民主执政的能力。     

服务型地方政府网络问政平台建设

正构建服务型政府是新世纪中国政府行政管理改革的总体目标和战略定位。党的十七大报告提出要加快政府管理体制改革,努力建设服务型政府。近年来,伴随互联网在中国的快速普及以及公民民主意识、维权意识和参政议政能力的不断提高,依托网络信息技术平台基础上的网络问政发展迅速,逐渐成为地方政府的执政新风,并日渐成为现实政治行政体制微观变革的重要推动力量。作为"嵌入"于服务型政府总体改革目标范式下的网络问政,服务型政府的基本理念与价值诉求预设了     

网络空间草根政治运动及其公共治理

网络空间草根政治运动是草根力量以维护其利益为目的,运用网络技术组织的抗争性集体行动。草根政治运动在网络空间兴起是社会转型时期贫富分化的结果,也是网络时代权力重新分配的结果。它的表现形式主要有网络政治动员、网络舆论批评监督、网络政治参与,它有利于国家-市场-社会关系的优化,也有利于国家治理的发展,同时也可能给政治秩序稳定带来极大的难题。因此,对网络空间草根政治治理必须坚持整体性治理原则,引导与规制并举,现实政治与虚拟空间治理并重,使网络空间草根政治运动成为社会主义民主政治的重要建设性力量而非颠覆性力量。     

网络政治参与和廉洁政府建设

互联网的发展促使一种新的政治参与方式——网络政治参与——出现并不断扩大,成为社会监督的重要途径。当前我国公民网络政治参与形态主要有网络舆论、网络社团、网络政治人及其精英等,广泛的网络政治参与对廉洁政府建设有着极为重要的价值和作用。首先,网络政治参与克服了传统的以权力制约权力的监督机制中的弱点,为监督机构充分履行遏制腐败的责任提供了丰富的信息资源,成为防止权力滥用的有效监督形式。其次,网络政治参与简化了反腐程序,激发了广大人民群众的政治参与热情,改善了整个社会反腐的文化观念氛围。最后,网络政治参与为人民参政议政提供了便捷的渠道,提高了决策的民主性与科学性,促进了廉政制度建设。     

Media and the politics of belonging: Sudanese Australians,letters to the editor and the new integrationism

Nolan, Burgin, Farquharson and Marjoribanks focus on media as a significant site through which a politics of belonging is played out, focusing particularly on coverage of Sudanese Australians. To this end, they analyse letters to the editor that concern Sudanese Australians in three Victorian newspapers in 2007, a highly significant year in which this group became the focus of significant levels of (predominantly negative) media coverage. Through textual and thematic analysis, the authors demonstrate how such letters worked to reiterate and extend a politics of ‘integrationism’ that, without entirely departing from Australia's commitment to multiculturalism, has rearticulated the latter along neo-assimilationist lines. In doing so, they show how, in many letters, Sudanese Australians are problematized for their failure or refusal to ‘integrate’ in ways that involve an explicit or implicit process of racialization. In the process, the article also critically considers the important role performed by media in the politics of belonging, particularly through their reiteration and contestation of the politics of race and multiculturalism in Australia. Rather than simply a matter of reproducing a hegemonic politics, it shows how such processes, despite the marked limitations of their framing within a ‘race debate’, also serve to demonstrate significant fault lines in the politics of belonging.     

大学生参与网络舆论监督的引导与规制

参与网络舆论监督是大学生行使民主权利的重要方式，当前引导和规制大学生理性参与网络舆论监督具有重要的时代意义。大学生具有与其他群体不一样的心理特点，其网络舆论监督带有情绪化表达、娱乐化参与和网络路径依赖三种不良倾向。大学生参与网络舆论监督的引导与规制应该以尊重和交互为理念，以网络公民教育为核心，以法治化为落脚点。     

Political Mobilisation,Political Participation and the Power of the Vote

This article proposes a framework to recast our thinking about political participation. The approach adopted insists on the role of collective actors and their agents – the political elites – in the democratic process and, by implication, in determining the amount and forms of individual political participation. The proposed framework builds on a simple model of representative government and introduces some major changes in the political context which have become ever more conspicuous in the course of the last 30 years, and which are substantially modifying the conditions for conventional (electoral) and unconventional political participation. Prominent among these changes are the increasing role of the media in politics, and the decline of party control over the voters. These changes tend to enhance both electoral and non-electoral forms of participation. Another set of contemporary institutional changes reduces the electoral accountability of political decision-makers, with expected consequences that are more ambiguous for both electoral and non-electoral participation.     

Mapping the production of political communications: a model to assist in understanding the relationships between the production and consumption of political messages

High public interest today in political communications such as ‘spin’ and in political participation such as electoral turnout suggests that there may be value in exploring the processes by which political messages are produced and consumed, and their inter‐relationship with participation. It may be that what citizen‐voters think of message production influences how they consume political news and publicity (through observing and evaluating), and that the propensity to political participation is subsequently affected. This paper offers a model which traces the production of political communications, starting at their origins in the political class, and flowing via traditional political journalism or controlled media and new media to citizen‐voters who both observe and evaluate them (ie consume them) before, during and after making any political choices. It is hypothesised that the observation and evaluation of message production and content by political consumers influences both their types and levels of participation. Research of this nature into political organisations is relatively rare. Similarly, there is little evidence of investigations into other aspects highlighted in the model: attitudes of the political class towards political communications, the production of political communications before they reach the media and how they are received by the media, and their consumption by citizen‐voters in relation to the propensity to participate in politics. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications     

网络监督发展趋势与对策——基于软件工程学中的瀑布模型分析

网络监督发展迅速,其监督的内容纷繁复杂,当前主要以反腐败为重点。引导网络监督的健康有序发展需要执政党以前瞻性的视角,分析其发展规律,才能在网络监督的过程中,牢牢把握主动权,体现马克思主义执政党的先进性。利用网络监督发展趋势瀑布模型,研究网络监督内容的层次性,引入民主集中制原则,构建网络反腐和网络反庸并重的网络监督制度体系。在网络反腐和网络反庸取得成效的同时,网络监督的重点必然会依次加上对干部从政能力的监督、民主参政的诉求以及科学决策等各个方面。     

立法后评估中的公众参与“虚置”及治理路径

作为检验立法实效、提升立法质量、促进法律体系完善的立法后评估制度已逐渐在全国范围内展开实践。然而,在这种多方主体的博弈中,公众当前只是一种被动型或者功能型的“虚置”参与,无法发挥其积极性、主体性的作用。公众参与立法后评估的实践困境具体表现为:参与主体的构成失衡、参与内容的模糊、参与方式的“指令化”及参与效果的抑制。要突破这一困境,须正确认识公众参与评估的价值,从意识、制度、参与的指向及参与效果等方面构建参与路径,实现立法后评估中公众参与的有效性和制度化。     

Veto players, electoral incentives and international commitments: The impact of domestic institutions on intergovernmental organization membership

Abstract.  The conventional literature on international cooperation in general, and intergovernmental organization membership in particular, depicts a regular, positive relationship between wealthy capitalist democracies and participation in international institutions. While empirical evidence supports this assertion, it says little about the mechanisms, and the accompanying variation among them, by which states enter into international institutions. This study distinguishes industrialized democracies along two dimensions: the nature of their constitutional structures and the organization of their electoral politics. Variations in these features produce variations in the institutional constraints and electoral incentives that matter in determining state participation in international organizations. Results of a pooled cross-sectional time series analysis of 23 democracies in 1981 and 1992 indicate that the structure of governing institutions and the nature of electoral systems account for much of the variation in intergovernmental organization membership. This study concludes that domestic institutions matter in determining international cooperation through international organizations – a novel insight overlooked by most international relations theories.