共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 510 毫秒
1.
Valerie Oosterveld 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):73-98
Serious gender-based crimes were committed against women and girls during Sierra Leone’s decade-long armed conflict. This
article examines how the Special Court for Sierra Leone has approached these crimes in its first four judgments. The June
20, 2007 trial judgment in the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council case assists international criminal law’s limited understanding
of the crime against humanity of forced marriage, but also collapses evidence of that crime into the war crime of outrages
upon personal dignity. The February 22, 2008 appeals judgment attempts to correct this misstep. In contrast, the August 2,
2007 trial judgment in the Civil Defence Forces case is virtually silent on crimes committed against women and girls, although
the May 28, 2008 appeals judgment attempts to partially redress this silence. This article concludes that the four judgments,
considered together, raise the specter that the Special Court could potentially fail to make a significant progressive contribution
to gender-sensitive transitional justice.
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Valerie OosterveldEmail: |
2.
Eric Neumayer 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(2):241-268
The death penalty is like no other punishment. Its continued existence in many countries of the world creates political tensions
within these countries and between governments of retentionist and abolitionist countries. After the Second World War, more
and more countries have abolished the death penalty. This article argues that the major determinants of this global trend
towards abolition are political, a claim which receives support in a quantitative cross-national analysis from 1950 to 2002.
Democracy, democratisation, international political pressure on retentionist countries and peer group effects in relatively
abolitionist regions all raise the likelihood of abolition. There is also a partisan effect, as abolition becomes more likely
if the chief executive’s party is left wing-oriented. Cultural, social and economic determinants receive only limited support.
The global trend towards abolition will go on if democracy continues to spread around the world and abolitionist countries
stand by their commitment to press for abolition all over the world.
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Eric NeumayerEmail: |
3.
Sangmin Bae 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(2):233-240
This article examines distinctive American political institutions that contribute to explaining the continued use of the death
penalty. In the light of wide popular support for capital punishment, strong political leadership is considered to be a principal
channel for the abolition of capital punishment. The dilemma of the US death penalty, however, lies in populist features of
political structures that greatly limit the political leverage and possibilities available to leaders. The institutional arrangements
in the United States allow public support for the death penalty to influence political decision making more directly than
it can in the European counterpart. A strong receptiveness of US political leaders to the public also implies that once public
opinion changes, political leaders are likely to respond to the public’s new attitude. Unlike most countries, which abolished
the death penalty through political initiatives that were counter-majoritarian, the United States may abolish it only after
a change in public opinion.
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Sangmin BaeEmail: |
4.
András L. Pap 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(1):109-122
The article analyzes ethnic data collection pertaining to criminal justice in Hungary. With such a sensitive and delicate
issue at hand, Hungary has decided on an evasive approach, resisting ethnic data collection by law enforcement authorities.
The author argues that this approach has become one of the obstacles in fighting discrimination and ethnic profiling. Moreover,
Hungary’s restrictive approach to ethno-national data classification also causes severe constitutional problems in other,
noncriminal legal circumstances, where ethnic data is used in the context of additional rights and affirmative protection
provided for ethno-national minorities. The first part of the article describes general problems relating to ethnic data collection
and analyses of the Hungarian minority protection framework, in particular, the minority self-government structure (a unique
constitutional institution). The second part focuses on the criminal justice system; the author’s aim is to show that prohibiting
the official recognition and collection of data on ethnicity by criminal justice authorities has potentially ethnically discriminatory
consequences.
This paper was written under the aegis of the Bolyai Research Scholarship of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
相似文献
András L. PapEmail: Email: |
5.
Gwyneth C. McClendon 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(3):349-372
International criminal tribunals are weak institutions, especially since they do not have their own police forces to execute
arrest warrants. Understandably then, much of the existing literature has focused exclusively on pressure from major powers
and on changing domestic politics to explain the apprehension of suspected war criminals. In contrast, this article turns
attention back to the tribunals themselves. I propose three ways in which the activities of international criminal tribunals
impact compliance with arrest warrants: through the selection of individuals to indict, demonstrated leniency on some suspects
and outreach to domestic legal professionals. Using a duration model that accounts for sample selection and data collected
on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, I test
these theories alongside other existing explanations. I find that court activities can have an independent effect on the successful
implementation of international criminal law.
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Gwyneth C. McClendonEmail: |
6.
Frank Furedi 《Society》2009,46(3):235-236
This essay questions Callahan’s criticism of people’s aspiration to extend their life. It argues that ideas about life are
subject to historical variations and the question at issue is whether society can give meaning to aging. It also questions
the claim that the radical extension of human life will jeopardize the welfare of future generations. It suggests that the
application of the precautionary principle to the question of aging avoid facing up to question how society should value the
old.
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Frank FurediEmail: |
7.
This article seeks to shed new light on the study of decentralized natural resource governance by applying institutional theories
of polycentricity—the relationships among multiple authorities with overlapping jurisdictions. The emphasis on multi-level
dynamics has not penetrated empirical studies of environmental policy reforms in non-industrial countries. On the contrary,
many of today’s decentralization proponents seem to be infatuated with the local sphere, expecting that local actors are always
able and willing to govern their natural resources effectively. Existing studies in this area often focus exclusively on characteristics
and performance of local institutions. While we certainly do not deny the importance of local institutions, we argue that
institutional arrangements operating at other governance scales—such as national government agencies, international organizations,
NGOs at multiple scales, and private associations—also often have critical roles to play in natural resource governance regimes,
including self-organized regimes.
相似文献
Elinor OstromEmail: |
8.
Between 1904 and 1908, German colonialists in German South West Africa (GSWA, known today as Namibia) committed genocide and
other international crimes against two indigenous groups, the Herero and the Nama. From the late 1990s, the Herero have sought
reparations from the German government and several German corporations for what occurred more than a hundred years ago. This
article examines and contextualizes the issues concerning reparations for historical human rights claims. It describes and
analyzes the events in GSWA at the time. It further explores whether international humanitarian law and international human
rights law today permit reparatations to be obtained. The article therefore examines the origins of international criminal
law, as well as international human rights and humanitarian law, to determine whether what occurred then were violations of
the law already in force. Finally, the article examines and evaluates the Herero reparations cases, as well as the potential
impact of the cases on the wider reparations movement that sees an increasing number of claims for events that occurred during
colonial times.
相似文献
Jeremy SarkinEmail: |
9.
The Age of Geoeconomics, China’s Global Role, and Prospects of Cross-Strait Integration 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
James C. Hsiung 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):113-133
After noting the rise of geoeconomics in the post-Cold War era, the paper ascertains how the age of geoeconomics re-defines
power and the rules of the balance of power game. Of particular significance is that a nation’s economic security eclipses
its military security (or traditional national defense). In this context, I examine the meanings of the rise of a re-ascendant
China for world politics in general and for Taiwan’s future in particular. Considering Taiwan’s heavy dependence on imported
natural resources and its isolation and exclusion from vital international economic groupings, such as FTA’s. ASEAN, ASEM,
and the 16-nation Asian super economic bloc in the marking. Finally, I take a prospective look at the prospect of a future
cross-Strait integration between Taiwan and mainland China under the impact of the dictate of geoeconomics.
James C. Hsiung is Professor of Politics, at New York University, in New York, N.Y. His teaching and research interests are in international politics theory, international governance, international law, and international relations of Asia. 相似文献
James C. HsiungEmail: |
James C. Hsiung is Professor of Politics, at New York University, in New York, N.Y. His teaching and research interests are in international politics theory, international governance, international law, and international relations of Asia. 相似文献
10.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
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Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
11.
Daniel Chirot 《Society》2008,45(5):425-428
The next president of the USA will surely correct some of the Bush administration’s most egregious policy errors, particularly
its gross insensitivity to the rest of the world’s opinions and its extreme bellicosity. To restore trust in American, and
to strengthen national security, better diplomacy will be necessary. Strengthening a demoralized and nearly dysfunctional
State Department by acknowledging the vital role foreign area experts must play will have to be a major part of the new administration’s
policy.
相似文献
Daniel ChirotEmail: |
12.
Kurt Beurmann 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(1):41-54
The emotions surrounding the question of Kosovo’s future owe their intensity to the long history of human rights abuses in
the province. The years 1945–1966 and 1987–1999, in particular, saw harsh repression of local Albanians and a systematic favoring
of local Serbs. Since June 1999, the province has been under international supervision, and, in this period, Serbs complain
that they have been the victims of repeated acts of violence at the hands of Albanians. This article provides an overview
of human rights abuses since 1945 and closes with a brief assessment of the international plan presented by UN mediator Martti
Ahtisaari in February 2007.
相似文献
Kurt BeurmannEmail: |
13.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
14.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
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George CrowderEmail: |
15.
16.
Robert Carle 《Society》2008,45(2):181-190
In the 1980s, Britain’s Labour Party promoted a system of race-relations that envisioned Britain as a collection of discrete
cultures with equal status. This multicultural model for organizing society conflicted with traditional British notions of
a unified national culture, with an assimilationist model of immigrant incorporation. Today, the Labour Party’s relationship
with Islamists is sharply dividing Labour’s “rainbow” constituency. Whereas the horrific events of 9/11 and 7/7 have led many
Labour leaders to replace its defense of multiculturalism with Tory-sounding calls for immigrant assimilation, other Labour
leaders are working harder than ever to accommodate their Muslim constituents.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
17.
Richard Nunan 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):537-541
Consequentialist cosmopolitanism, Peter Higgins argues, enables closed border liberals to evade charges of moral hypocrisy
despite their commitment to moral equality of individuals, once we recognize that open border arguments rely on cosmopolitanism’s
individualism requirement, which ignores social realities relevant to a realistic assessment of the social consequences of
an open immigration policy. Higgins is mistaken, however, in contending that cosmopolitan individualism entails attention
to people only in their capacity as the abstract atomic individuals populating Charles Mills’ idealized social ontologies.
Conversely, if cosmopolitan individualism does compel us to think of people as abstract atomic individuals, we are not obliged
to think of them as relatively privileged. Under liberal cosmopolitanism, however, which prohibits state discrimination between
citizens and non-citizens, open border policies are subject to no such consequentialist objections.
相似文献
Richard NunanEmail: |
18.
Joanna R. Quinn 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):55-71
Getting to peace is not a straightforward process. In Uganda, internal conflict has raged for more than 20 years between the
Government and the Lord’s Resistance Army. The construction of a comprehensive negotiated settlement is at the mercy of conflicting
ideologies and influences at the international, national and grassroots levels. This paper examines the Juba peace talks,
the major actors in the negotiation process, and tension between prosecution and amnesty.
相似文献
Joanna R. QuinnEmail: |
19.
Media Use and Political Predispositions: Revisiting the Concept of Selective Exposure 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
Natalie Jomini Stroud 《Political Behavior》2008,30(3):341-366
Today, people have ample opportunity to engage in selective exposure, the selection of information matching their beliefs.
Whether this is occurring, however, is a matter of debate. While some worry that people increasingly are seeking out likeminded
views, others propose that newer media provide an increased opportunity for exposure to diverse views. In returning to the
concept of selective exposure, this article argues that certain topics, such as politics, are more likely to inspire selective
exposure and that research should investigate habitual media exposure patterns, as opposed to single exposure decisions. This
study investigates whether different media types (newspapers, political talk radio, cable news, and Internet) are more likely
to inspire selective exposure. Using data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey, evidence supports the idea that
people’s political beliefs are related to their media exposure—a pattern that persists across media types. Over-time analyses
suggest that people’s political beliefs motivate their media use patterns and that cable news audiences became increasingly
politically divided over the course of the 2004 election.
相似文献
Natalie Jomini StroudEmail: |
20.
Maria McAlpin 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(1):51-69
General assessments of ecotourism and community-led development offer conflicting views of these strategies’ potential. Appraisals
of successful projects add to the available knowledge that policy makers can use to improve decision-making. The Mapu Lahual
Network of Indigenous Parks (RML), an ecotourism development and conservation project in the 10th Region of southern Chile,
covers 45,000 ha within the territories of eight indigenous communities, in a part of southern Chile that national and international
conservation organizations consider a high priority for ecological conservation. Elected leaders of the indigenous communities
established the RML in 2000 with technical assistance from public agencies and financial assistance from national and environmental
organizations. The RML’s primary purpose is to increase and diversify per-capita incomes in a way that preserves the area’s
environment and culture by establishing tourism based on a system of parks, trails, campgrounds, and local services. This
paper appraises the RML with respect to the common interest of the relevant local, national, and international communities.
The policy sciences provide a contextual basis for practical recommendations that will help participants build on the project’s
strengths and correct its weaknesses. The RML initiative provides a model of a development process that has been constructively
supported by members of public agencies and conservation organizations. The strategies employed in the RML could be diffused
and adapted in other contexts.
相似文献
Maria McAlpinEmail: |