574例高坠死亡案件分析

目的通过对大量高坠死亡案件的现场分析、尸体的损伤形态学观察并结合案情调查资料,构建高坠案件法医病理学案例库,为研究疑难坠落死亡案件奠定基础。方法收集并回顾分析5省市574例高坠死亡案件资料,包括死者个人信息、现场勘查资料、尸检结果、精神疾病史和毒物检验结果。结果男性的意外死亡率明显高于女性;在0～10岁年龄组未见自杀案例;在60岁以上年龄组,自杀率明显高于意外死亡;大多数的意外案例都发生在工作地点;坠落高度在10m以下的案例中,落地最先接触部位以头部居多,而在10～25m高度,足或下肢多见。结论大多数高坠案例都有明确的结论,但部分案例成伤机制及死亡方式判断呈现明显分歧,应为今后坠落伤研究的重点方向。     

205例高坠案件局部机械性损伤与死亡性质关系分析

目的探讨高坠案件中局部机械性损伤行为心理分析与死亡性质的关系,为此类案件的定性提供参考。方法收集2008—2013年高坠死亡案件311例,其中存在高坠难以形成的局部机械性损伤案例205例。对损伤形成特点、现场痕迹、高坠致命伤、文字信息等进行分析。结果 205例中,根据初步现场痕迹、高坠致命伤、文字信息等分析后,明确自杀86例,意外24例,性质不明95例。95例性质不明案例经对局部机械性损伤进行行为心理分析后,认定自杀80例,意外11例,他杀4例。结论高坠难以形成的局部机械性损伤与死亡性质具有关联性,根据局部机械性损伤行为心理分析推断高坠死亡性质基本准确。     

152例高坠死亡案件回顾性分析

目的对于高坠死亡案例进行回顾性调查分析,为相关研究和鉴定提供参考。方法收集2011年至2014年间,武汉市汉阳区范围内公安部门受理的所有高坠案件,共152例,对案件性质、高坠地点特征、死者年龄、性别、损伤情况等项目进行统计分析。结果 152例高坠死亡案件中自杀118例、意外28例,6例性质未能确定;高坠案件无论性质为何,发生地点均以居民住宅区最多;女性在自杀中占比略高,且年龄偏大(50岁),而意外高坠中全部为男性;损伤在两类性质的案件中均以头部和四肢为最多;自杀案件中有四分之一左右的死者有精神疾病史。结论国内高坠案件随着社会生活的发展有其独特的特征,而对高坠的尸体检验需要更加仔细和全面。     

391例高坠死亡案件鉴定分析——以上海市徐汇区为视角

目的对上海市徐汇区近十年高坠死亡案件的检验资料进行回顾性研究,对比其他区域统计数据,并结合国内外进展,以期对同行处理高坠死亡案件有所帮助。方法对上海市徐汇区2005-2013年度发生的391例高坠死亡案件的资料进行分项统计分析。结果 391例高坠中自杀案例占了多数(82.6%),意外案例占了少数(17.4%),在意外高坠中男性占了多数(86.3%),并且随着年龄的上升,自杀的比例逐渐上升,意外的比例逐渐下降。意外案件的坠落高度可高可低,但总体高度较低,自杀案件的坠落高度一般较高。意外案件中头部着地的比例较高(56.3%)。结论本区目前高坠案件勘验工作仍有不足,运用CT进行虚拟解剖,数字人体模型进行现场模拟等方法是未来的发展方向。     

死后硬膜下血肿CT呈低密度影像法医学分析1例

1案例资料 简要案情王某,男,37岁。某日早6时被人发现死于某工地地下一层的楼梯旁。经现场勘查、调查访问、尸表检验及头颅CT检验后,最终定性为意外事件,死亡原因为高坠致颅脑损伤死亡。     

昆明市五华区124例自杀案例分析

目的研究自杀者的性别、年龄、学历、自杀原因与自杀方式之间的关系,为自杀的法医学鉴定提供依据。方法通过现场勘验、尸表检验、尸体解剖、调查走访来确定自杀案件,收集昆明市五华区近三年来的124例自杀案例,然后采用SPSS 22.0进行卡方检验、描述性统计等分析。结果自杀者男女性比例为1.53∶1;自杀方式多选择高坠、自缢和溺死;自杀者昆明户籍与非昆明户籍的比例约为1∶1;小学和初中文化程度者自杀最多;10~50岁年龄段的人群多选择高坠自杀,60岁以上的老年人选择自缢自杀的较多;不同学历层次的人群均以高坠自杀为主;因精神疾病、自身疾病和经济问题自杀者多选择高坠、自缢,而因感情问题自杀者多选择高坠、服毒。结论自杀是一类十分复杂的案件,对于疑似自杀的案件要多方面勘查、全方位思考,综合各方面因素来确定案件的性质。     

246例高坠案件中坠落高度与损伤分析

目的对高坠案件进行统计分析,为相关鉴定研究提供参考。方法收集上海市浦东地区最近十年来记录有坠落距离的246例高坠案件,对人体损伤的特点进行比较分析。结果自杀高坠的高度显著高于意外高坠的高度(25.70m:13.98m);所有高坠中,头部损伤概率较高(75.2%),颈部损伤概率较低(6.5%);意外高坠的头部损伤概率高于自杀组(89.4%:75.2%)。结论意外高坠的死者比自杀高坠的死者更缺乏四肢对于头部的保护;过低的颈部损伤发现率提示国内法医工作者应该更加重视在高坠案件中的对于颈部损伤的检查。     

150例女性被杀案例的法医学分析

正1案例资料1.1一般情况收集本地2008年1月至2013年12月间备案登记的女性被杀案件的案例,所有案例均经现场勘察、案情调查和尸体检验,确定为被杀的案例。按年龄、婚姻状况、发案原因、发案时间、地点、损伤情况、死亡原因等进行分类整理,并加以总结分析。1.2死者年龄分布150例女性被害人年龄分布情况见表1,范围从新生儿至87岁,以16~45岁最多。     

213例农垦区自杀死亡案件分析

在非正常死亡案件中,自杀案件占很大比例,本文对黑龙江省嫩江农垦区10年来检验的213例自杀死亡案例资料进行统计分析。 本文资料是1983～1993年,经公安机关现场勘查、调查、法医检验鉴定的自杀案例,经筛选资料齐全的213例。按统一标准和要求对自杀案中死者的年龄、性别、文化、职业、婚姻、自杀方式、自杀原因、自杀季节与时间、死亡场所等进行统计分析。 1 结果 1.1 年龄、性别、文化、职业、婚姻。     

自杀方式与性别和年龄关系548例分析

目的分析国内5个城市地区采取不同自杀方式人群的性别和年龄特征。方法收集上海、金华、武汉、娄底、都匀城市地区警方处理的548例自杀案例,根据自杀方法将案件进行分类,研究各种自杀方法的人群年龄和性别特征,结果在各种自杀方式的年龄分析中,高坠和自缢的自杀者平均年龄最大(约55岁),溺水、自缢次之(约49岁)、口服毒物较为年轻(约45岁),而CO中毒自杀者平均年龄最小(约37岁)。在自杀方式的性别差异中,男性更多地出现了锐器自杀(52:24),自缢(67:33)和高坠(55:45),女性则在溺水自杀中占据多数(58:42)。结论每种自杀方式涉及到的人群的性别和年龄特征差异明显,CO中毒自杀的自杀者最为年轻;男性更倾向于用机械性损伤的方式来自杀。     

Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana on Avidyā

The concept of avidyā is one of the central categories in the Advaita of Śaṇkara and Maṇḍana. Shifting the focus from māyā, interpreted either as illusion or as the divine power, this concept brings ignorance to the forefront in describing duality and bondage. Although all Advaitins accept avidyā as a category, its scope and nature is interpreted in multiple ways. Key elements in Maṇḍana’s philosophy include the plurality of avidyā, individual selves as its substrate and the Brahman as its field (viṣaya), and the distinction in avidyā between non-apprehension and misapprehension. A closer investigation shows that Maṇḍana is directly influenced by Bhartṛhari’s linguistic non-dualism in developing the concept of avidyā. This study also compares other key constituents such as vivartta and pariṇāma that are relevant to the analysis of avidyā. As the concept of counter-image (pratibimba) emerges as a distinct stream of Advaita subsequent to Maṇḍana, this study also compares the application of pratibimba in the writings of Bhartṛhari and Maṇḍana.     

Unraveling the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Kāvyaprakāśa</Emphasis>: Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa’s idiosyncratic sequence of topics in the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Candrāloka</Emphasis>

In his twelfth century alaṃkāraśāstra, the Candrāloka, Jayadeva Pīyūṣavarṣa reverses the sequence of topics found in Mammaṭa’s Kāvyapr-akāśa, an earlier and immensely popular work. With such a structural revisionism, Jayadeva asserts the autonomy of his own work and puts forth an ambitious critique of earlier approaches to literary analysis. Jayadeva investigates the technical and aesthetic components of poetry in the first part of the Candrāloka, prior to his formal semantic investigations in the latter half of the text, thus suggesting that aesthetic evaluations of poetry beneficially inform scientific investigations of language. Jayadeva’s organization of his chapters on the semantic operations, moreover, intimates that the study of suggestive and metaphoric functions of language clarifies our understanding of denotation, which is conventionally understood to be the primary and direct path of verbal designation.     

Immigration,intermarriage and the changing face of Europe in the post war period

In this article we compare the propensity to intermarry of various migrant groups and their children who settled in Germany, France, England, Belgium and the Netherlands in the post-war period, using a wide range of available statistical data. We try to explain different intermarriage patterns within the framework of Alba and Nee's assimilation theory and pay special attention to the role of religion, colour and colonial background. We therefore compare colonial with non colonial migrants and within these categories between groups with ‘European’ (Christian) and non-European (Islam, Hinduism) religions. First of all, religion appears to be an important variable. Migrants whose faith has no tradition in Western Europe intermarry at a much lower rate than those whose religious backgrounds correspond with those that are common in the country of settlement. The rate of ethnic endogamous marriages in Western Europe are highest in Hindu and Muslim communities, often regardless if they came as guest workers or colonial migrants. Whereas differences in religion diminish the propensity to intermarry, colour or ‘racial’ differences on the other hand seem to be less important. This is largely explained by the pre-migration socialisation. Furthermore, the paper argues that the attention to institutions, as rightly advocated by Richard Alba and Victor Nee, needs a more refined and layered elaboration. Institutions, often as barriers to intermarriage, do not only emanate from the receiving society, but also—be it less formalized—within migrant communities. Especially religions and family systems, but also organized nationalist feelings, can have a profound influence on how migrants think about endogamy. Finally, strong pressures to assimilate, often through institutionalized forms of discrimination and stigmatization, not only produce isolation and frustrate assimilation (with resulting low intermarriage rates), but can also stimulate assimilation by 'passing' mechanisms. These factors, together with a more comparative perspective, are not completely ignored in the new assimilation theory, but—as this study of Western European intermarriage patterns stresses—deserve to be included more systematically in historical and social scientist analyses.     

The Supreme Array Scripture: A New Interpretation of the Title “Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra”

This article argues for a new interpretation of the Sanskrit compound gaṇḍa-vyūha as it is used in the common title of the Mahāyāna text the Gaṇḍavyūha-Sūtra.The author begins by providing a brief history of the sūtra’s appellations in Chinese and Tibetan sources. Next, the meanings of gaṇḍa (the problematic member of the compound) are explored. The author proposes that contemporary scholars have overlooked a meaning of gaṇḍa occurring in some compounds, wherein gaṇḍa can mean simply “great,” “big” or “massive.” This general sense is particularly common in the compound gaṇda-śaila (a “massive rock” or “boulder”) and is found in such texts as the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, the Harivaṃśa and the Harṣacarita. Following the discussion of Gaṇḍa, the author examines the term vyūha (“array”) as it is used in the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra. The article concludes with the suggestion that a more appropriate translation of the Gaṇḍavyūha-sūtra would be “The Supreme array Scripture.”     

Evaluation of six presumptive tests for blood, their specificity, sensitivity, and effect on high molecular-weight DNA

Luminol, leuchomalachite green, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, Hemident, and Bluestar are all used as presumptive tests for blood. In this study, the tests were subjected to dilute blood (from 1:10,000 to 1:10,000,000), many common household substance, and chemicals. Samples were tested for DNA to determine whether the presumptive tests damaged or destroyed DNA. The DNA loci tested were D2S1338 and D19S433. Leuchomalachite green had a sensitivity of 1:10,000, while the remaining tests were able to detect blood to a dilution of 1:100,000. Substances tested include saliva, semen, potato, tomato, tomato sauce, tomato sauce with meat, red onion, red kidney bean, horseradish, 0.1 M ascorbic acid, 5% bleach, 10% cupric sulfate, 10% ferric sulfate, and 10% nickel chloride. Of all the substances tested, not one of the household items reacted with every test; however, the chemicals did. DNA was recovered and amplified from luminol, phenolphthalein, Hemastix, and Bluestar, but not from leuchomalachite green or Hemident.     

Illumination,Imagination, Creativity: Rājaśekhara,Kuntaka, and Jagannātha on <Emphasis Type="Italic">Pratibhā</Emphasis>

Sanskrit poeticians make the visionary faculty of pratibhā a necessary part of the professional poet’s make-up. The term has a pre-history in Bhartṛhari’s linguistic metaphysics, where it is used to explain the unitary perception of meaning. This essay examines the relation between pratibhā and possible theories of the imagination, with a focus on three unusual theoreticians—Rājaśekhara, Kuntaka, and Jagannātha Paṇḍita. Rājaśekhara offers an analysis of pratibhā that is heavily interactive, requiring the discerning presence of the bhāvaka listener or critic; he also positions pratibhā in relation to Bildung (vyutpatti) and practice. For Kuntaka, pratibhā, never an ex nihilo creation by a poet, serves as the basis for the peculiar forms of intensified insight and experience that constitute poetry; these may also involve the creative scrambling and re-articulation of the object in terms of its systemic composition. At times, Kuntaka’s pratibhā comes close to a strong notion of imaginative process. But the full-fledged thematization of the imagination, and of pratibhā as its support and mechanism, is best seen in the seventeenth-century debates preserved for us by Jagannātha. A link is suggested between the discourse of poetic imagination in Jagannātha and similar themes that turn up in Indo-Persian poets such as Bedil.     

Preventing Homelessness for System‐Involved Youth

Too many youth and young adults find themselves on the streets, couch‐surfing with friends, in emergency shelters or worse, after exiting the child welfare and juvenile justice systems. In some circumstances, youth have had court hearings until their exit from the legal system, but those hearings have not focused on long‐range plans of youth and emergencies youth may encounter. In other circumstances, there has been little or no planning prior to discharge, especially for young people who leave the juvenile justice system. Courts can and should prevent, alleviate or end youth homelessness for youth who appear before them through strategies that are enumerated in the recently‐passed NCJFCJ resolution. This article expounds on three of these strategies – coordinating transition and re‐entry plans, insisting on effective legal representation of youth, and utilizing sound judicial leadership. It also describes the concurrent efforts of the Coalition for Juvenile Justice and the American Bar Association's Homeless Youth Legal Network to remove legal barriers and improve outcomes for youth and young adults experiencing homelessness.     

Best practices for structuring a family court parenting plan evaluation under the 2022 AFCC Guidelines

Evaluation appointment orders provide enforceable scaffolding for conduct of family court parenting plan evaluations, and use of the evaluator's reports, feedback, file, and testimony. Unlike a contract, a stipulated or adjudicated appointment order is directly enforceable by the family court. It unambiguously positions the evaluator as the family court's appointee – answerable directly to the court and, in some jurisdictions, protected by quasi-judicial immunity from damages claims. A well-crafted appointment order governs the roles and expectations of the court, the evaluator, the parties, the lawyers, and the collateral witnesses. An appointment order mandates the legal duties, rights, powers, and responsibilities of the professionals, the parties, and the collateral witnesses. At minimum, an appointment order articulates the legal basis for the appointment, the purpose and scope of the evaluation, compensation of evaluator, and the duty of the parties to participate in the process. A written evaluation protocol or procedures statement discloses in advance the methods of investigation and assessment that the evaluator intends to use. Together, the appointment order and written protocol help the evaluator, lawyers, parents, and judge manage the complexity of the evaluation process.     

Monks Who Have Sex: Pārājika Penance in Indian Buddhist Monasticisms

In the study of Buddhism it is commonly accepted that a monk or nun who commits a pārājika offence is permanently and irrevocably expelled from the Buddhist monastic order. This view is based primarily on readings of the Pāli Vinaya. With the exception of the Pāli Vinaya, however, all other extant Buddhist monastic law codes (Dharmaguptaka, Mahāsāṅghika, Mahīśāsaka, Sarvāstivāda and Mūlasarvāstivāda) contain detailed provisions for monks and nuns who commit pārājikas but nevertheless wish to remain within the saṅgha. These monastics are not expelled. Rather, they are granted a special status known as the śikṣādattaka. In this paper I explore the rules. concerning pārājika penance and the śikṣādattaka with specific regard to monastic celibacy. Given that five out of six extant law codes recognise this remarkable accommodation to the rule of celibacy, I argue that we must look to Vinayas other than the Pāli Vinaya if we are to arrive at a nuanced and representative view of Indian Buddhist monasticism.

Grant me chastity and continence, but not yet. Augustine of Hippo (354–430 C.E.)

     

What similes in Sāṃkhya do: a comparison of the similes in the Sāṃkhya texts in the Mahābhārata, the Sāṃkhyakārikā and the Sāṃkhyasūtra

In Sāṃkhya similes are an important means to communicate basic philosophical teachings. In the texts similes are frequently used, especially in the Sāṃkhya passages in the Mahābhārata, in the Sāṃkhyakārikā and in the Sāṃkhyasūtra. This paper compares the similes in these three texts and analyses changes in the philosophy as revealed in the similes. A comparison of the similes of Sāṃkhya texts produced over more than one thousand years reveals changes in the emphasis in this philosophical system. The purpose of the similes in the Sāṃkhya passages of the Mahābhārata is to produce an intuitive understanding of the separateness of puruṣa and prakṛti. The similes are designed to lead the listener to understand this basic dualism. In the Sāṃkhyakārikā the most difficult issues are the relationship between prakṛti and puruṣa and the idea of prakṛti working for the salvation of puruṣa. One whole chapter of the Sāṃkhyasūtra is devoted to similes.