宪法化的政治权利——参政权

我国宪法中的"政治权利"的概念直接来源于政治用语。对政治概念不加区分地法律化,引起概念逻辑的混乱,并导致了对权利的肆意破坏。因此,应当抛弃传统的"政治权利"概念,而提出"宪法化、法律化的政治权利"概念,即参政权体系。     

论金融危机下发展权面临的挑战与出路

在全球金融危机中受到影响最大的是发展中国家及其人民的发展权利。危机对发展权的挑战,不仅体现在经济发展领域,也反映在社会文化以至政治发展层面,进而衍生为人的生存发展危机。要摆脱危机,就必须重新塑造发展权法治理念,从传统的形式平等和社会正义迈向一种新的正义观即发展正义,从现有的公法强制干预和私法自由调节转向政策性平衡新机制,在全球社会连带中实现自主发展。在这些新理念导引下,于法律重心的发展权定位、发展权指标体系的法律化以及强化国际与国内公共权力对发展权的法律责任三大方面进行制度建设,确立公共权力对发展权的自觉意识和可归责性、建立全球性的发展权法律标准以及危机预警与干预系统。     

论表达自由的界限（下）——从比较法、特别是普通法的视角切入

表达自由是自由社会的人们享有的一项带有普遍性的、根本性的权利,通常表现为宪法或法律规定的权利。鉴于各国政治和法律体制以及文化环境之不同,人们享有该项权利的普遍性和充分性存在很多差别,因此,可从比较法,特别是普通法的角度关注该项根本权利的行使及对其设定的界限和施加的限制,集中展示强加这等界限或限制的法理学说、理据以及方法和途径,并分析提出具有普遍意义的结论。     

论表达自由的界限（上）——从比较法、特别是普通法的视角切入

表达自由是自由社会的人们享有的一项带有普遍性的、根本性的权利,通常表现为宪法或法律规定的权利。鉴于各国政治和法律体制以及文化环境之不同,人们享有该项权利的普遍性和充分性存在很多差别,因此,可从比较法,特别是普通法的角度关注该项根本权利的行使及对其设定的界限和施加的限制,集中展示强加这等界限或限制的法理学说、理据以及方法和途径,并分析提出具有普遍意义的结论。     

环境权理论与思考

环境权理论是环境法学中争议较大的问题,从“权利生长”的视角出发,可以认为环境权是社会成员一项新生的应有权利,是基础性权利,是人类环境利益危机的产物;环境权与公民环境权是两个不同层次,环境权有待上升为法定权利———公民环境权。     

论公民的受审判权及其宪法保护

受审判权是公民接受公正司法的权利。由于受审判权是公民的基本权利 ,多数国家宪法对其进行保护 ,其中美国、日本、俄罗斯宪法的规定最为完善。中国宪法对受审判权保护存在众多缺陷 ,为更好地保护受审判权 ,中国宪法应把受审判权直接规定为公民的基本权利 ,在受审判权的内容方面应与《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》的有关规定保持一致 ,并建立宪法诉讼制度     

社会保障权利的内容结构与性质分析

社会保障制度往往能够反射一个国家政治体制、文化机制和经济制度,更能凝聚并浓缩一个社会的本质,体现一个民族国家的特质,由此构成了一个国家社会制度的骨架。从大多数国家社会保障法律的权利内容看,它主要由社会保险权、社会救助权、社会福利权三部分组成。     

当代中国视野下的工作权

当下的许多国家都在宪法或相关法律中明确规定了工作权,并对其内容、实现方式、保障机制等方面作了较为详细的规定。但我国仅在现行宪法第42条中规定了公民有劳动的权利和义务,对其实现方式、义务主体等方面的规定也较为笼统。工作权是一项基本人权,应被写进一国的宪法之中,只有这样才能更好地对其加以保护。     

数字时代反规避权立法的比较与反思

反规避权系版权法为应对数字时代的挑战而创设的一项与传统的著作权截然不同的权利。反规避权自问世以来,不断受到来自各方面的批评,而且事实上也产生了诸多的消极影响。在各国的立法例中,虽然有关反规避权的制度安排不尽相同,但对于反规避权的消极作用的法律规制均存在一定的缺陷。我国在给予反规避权保护的前提下,更应该尽快完善对于该项权利行使的限制。     

股东质询权刍议

股东通过质询能够有效消除与管理层之间的信息不对称,继而减少两权分离后的代理成本,形成合理的公司治理.我国公司法上的股东质询权在行使方式、程序以及侵害后的救济方面存在着重大缺陷,应在斟酌各国立法成果的基础上在未来公司法修改中予以完善.     

On the Same Side of the Barricades

The author discusses the role of radical groups in the Euromaidan protest movement. She argues that extraparliamentary right-wing groups have partially displaced the Svoboda party through their actions during the protest. She also shows that during the Maidan protest, the right-wing groups maintained a truce with left-wing groups based on their shared opposition to the Yanukovych government.     

制度创新:我国农地利用产权变革的必经之路

我国现行的农地利用制度主要是土地承包经营权制度。将土地承包经营权界定为用益物权是导致当前农地征用征收过程中农民利益严重丧失的一大重要原因。我国农地利用制度的设计基础与大多数大陆法系国家不同。大多数大陆法系国家土地物权制度设计是建立在土地私有制基础上的,而我国土地由国家所有或集体所有,这构成我国土地物权法律制度建设的基础。因而我们应在借鉴英美法系国家的产权制度的基础上重构我国的农地利用制度。农地持有权——一种独立的权利形态,替代土地承包经营权将成为我们的现实选择。     

论渔业权

渔业权不是一项独立的民事权利类型,渔业权制度的存废与海域的法律地位紧密相连。作为内国法上的渔业权制度,在英美法系国家并非一种财产权而是一种公权,体现为国家对海洋渔业资源进行管理的许可证制度;在以日本为代表的大陆法系国家,渔业权是一种由本权和派生权利共同组成的双层权利结构。由于我国明确宣示海域为国家所有,传统法上的渔业权制度被现有的不动产物权体系所吸收,若创设渔业权,将破坏物权法上的一物一权原则。     

… and still we are left wanting: Malta's White Paper on digital rights

CLSR welcomes occasional comment pieces on issues of current importance in the law and technology field from different jurisdictions. In this instance the Government of Malta published a White Paper in October 2012 for public consultation, proposing the introduction of the following four so-called “digital rights” in the Constitution of Malta: (1) the right to Internet access; (2) the right to informational access; (3) the right to informational freedom and (4) the right to digital informational self-determination. The author believes that the proposal is indeed a step in the right direction but lacks punch where it matters most and does not go far enough.     

Internet and social networks: freedom of expression in the digital age

New technologies have revolutionised the way we communicate and the meaning of freedom of expression. As the Internet increasingly represents a key tool for individuals to exercise their right to freedom of expression, providing universal access should therefore be a priority for countries in order to achieve development goals. The Internet and the proliferation of online social networks have an important impact on privacy, forcing a re-evaluation of the limits to the right to freedom of expression. The author examines the issue of liability of Internet providers and analyses criminal prosecutions in the context of online social networks. As liability for comments made through online social networks becomes more common, questions arise as to what is deemed offensive and whether prosecution should take place in all cases. The article tries to provide answers to those questions through an analysis of case law from various Commonwealth jurisdictions.     

论平等就业权的界定

平等就业权在西方的实践路线主要是禁止就业歧视和推行平等就业政策,受各国不同文化和"意思场域"的影响,平等就业权很难在西方语境中探究其直接而完整的概念支撑体系。在我国,当平等就业权研究还未达成共识的时候,创设制度层面的反就业歧视法制,无疑是非常困难的;保护平等就业权一般被简单地解读为禁止就业歧视。由于平等就业权具有保障生存权的积极功能和价值承载,回归其本来的面目,具有正本清源的作用;平等就业权的界定是重构其理论体系的基本前提。平等就业权准确界定的关键,是依法规制平等就业权与用工自主权之间的界限。     

论用益物权的客体及其立法政策选择——兼评我国《物权法》第117条的规定

我国《物权法》第117条将动产与不动产一并规定为用益物权的客体，但考察传统大陆法系各国确定用益物权客体的依据、范围及其演变可以看出：以动产为客体的用益物权——用益权、使用权，只是西方固有传统下的特有制度，因其与我国的风俗习惯不相符合，为我国近代的民事立法所不采。在我国已经实行市场经济的条件下，以动产为客体的用益物权不仅缺乏现实的存在基础，而且也没有未来的可能性。因此，应当删除我国《物权法》第117条关于动产作为用益物权客体的规定，以使用益物权的概念更为清晰、明确。     

Many Spiders,One Worldwide Web: Towards a Typology of Internet Regulation

This article examines emerging Internet law and policy from a comparative, international perspective. This complex, multi-cultural, global, information, communication, commercial and cultural platform that the Internet has become is gradually being adapted to the political, economic and cultural realities and interests of specific countries around the world. The United States, where the Internet was created, has advocated an Internet regulatory regime based on self-regulation. Though this principle has also been endorsed by some international agencies and non-governmental organizations, Internet self-regulation is neither desirable nor universally applicable. After a survey of patterns of Internet law and policy around the world, a five-part typology of Internet regulation based on the multiple political, cultural, social and economic contexts and realities around the world is proposed. They are: (1) Internationalist, (2) Neo-merchantilist, (3) Culturist, (4) Gateway and (5) Developmentalist. An attempt is made to show that these different regulatory regimes arise out of differential attitudes toward the Internet around the world.     

Local politics and police strength

Numerous studies have explored variation in police employment across cities, usually focusing on public choice, conflict, or organizational explanations. Yet, few consider whether the local political context affects police employment. Recent research suggests that local politics affects criminal justice outcomes. Using insights from urban politics research, I develop testable hypotheses about the effects of local political arrangements on municipal police strength. WLS regression results suggest the value of considering local political context in models of police strength. Specifically, in a sample of 945 cities with 25,000 or more residents in 1990, net of other variables, cities with unreformed political systems (mayor‐council forms of government, district‐based city councils and partisan elections) had more police employees per 1,000 residents, and this effect varied by region. Additionally, the effect of minority populations and crime rates on police strength varied across municipal political contexts. Implications for theories of police strength are discussed.     

Judicial Independence across Democratic Regimes: Understanding the Varying Impact of Political Competition

One of the most prominent explanations of the creation and maintenance of independent judiciary is the “insurance theory” that proposes a positive relationship between political competition and judicial independence. But, does intense political competition inevitably lead to higher levels of judicial independence across all types of democracies? Conducting a large‐N cross‐country analysis over 97 democratic countries, this study shows that as democratic quality across countries changes, the impact of political competition on judicial independence changes as well. The empirical findings reveal that while in advanced democracies high levels of political competition enhances judicial independence, in developing democracies political competition significantly hampers the independence of the courts.