法律的公正价值

法律价值是一个庞大的体系,公平、正义,公正都是法律价值体系的重要组成部分.本文主要从正义的标准,立法原意和司法独立、舆论监督的角度阐述了对于法之公正价值的相关见解.     

论立法权的新闻舆论监督的正当性及其困境

法治首先是良法之治,然而我国目前很多法律立法质量不高,与社会生活和民众的立法需求脱节,极大地影响了法律的权威,这与立法权的不当行使有很大关系。所以,我们应该加强对立法权运行的监督,尤其是拓展民众监督立法权行使的途径。新闻舆论监督立法权运行的价值和意义应该引起重视。文章主要分析了立法权的新闻舆论监督的正当性和困境两个方面的问题,期待引起人们对立法权的新闻舆论监督问题的思考。     

论立法权的新闻舆论监督的正当性及其困境

法治首先是良法之治，然而我国目前很多法律立法质量不高，与社会生活和民众的立法需求脱节，极大地影响了法律的权威，这与立法权的不当行使有很大关系。所以，我们应该加强对立法权运行的监督，尤其是拓展民众监督立法权行使的途径。新闻舆论监督立法权运行的价值和意义应该引起重视。文章主要分析了立法权的新闻舆论监督的正当性和困境两个方面的问题，期待引起人们对立法权的新闻舆论监督问题的思考。     

关于我国《新闻法》立法的初步构想——从新闻侵权谈起

新闻舆论监督应当在法律范围内运行。《新闻法》是实现新闻法治的关键环节。本文在对新闻侵权的法理分析基础上,对我国我国《新闻法》立法的紧迫性和立法的基本原则进行了初步探讨。     

略论网络舆论的法律规制及其理论前瞻

网络舆论的正向功能和负面效应揭示了法律规制的必要性。互联网和网络媒体的特殊性又决定了网络舆论法律规制的特殊性,信息源审核等传统管理手段并不适合于网络舆论管理。我国网络舆论规制立法尚不能满足立法需求,特别是在网络舆论监管体制和监管措施及网络舆论监督的法治化等方面。应当对相关法律问题进行深入的理论研究以促进我国的相关立法完善。     

论证券市场信息披露的法律监管与新闻舆论监督

在证券市场中 ,上市公司信息披露的法律监管和新闻舆论监督都在追求保护投资者 ,尤其是中小投资者的利益。信息披露法律监管通过公众公共的法律制度来实现目标。舆论监督要以信息披露法律制度为基础 ,还需要舆论监督的参与。     

舆论监督在司法实践中的合理定位

公众对某一事件的关注通过舆论监督被调动起来,并逐渐演变成一种对国家权力的制约,进而影响法院判决,推进立法或政策改革。因此,舆论监督和司法实践之间的碰撞与妥协受到社会的密切关注,近几年尤为如此。哥伦比亚大学法学院中国法律研究中心主     

法律需要制度的支持

童大焕在2003年12月27日的《中国青年报》上撰文《给法律一个制度支点》，介绍了我国一些地方的法规重复规定国家法律中“新闻媒体对国家工作人员履行职务的行为有权进行舆论监督”条文的现象，指出这暴露了我国法治建设中的一个现实问题，即以重复立法弥补司法的不足。由于许多法律法规贯彻不力，     

各地动态

(2004.12.21-2005.1.20)广东深圳立法明确舆论监督权新闻媒体对国家工作人员履行职务的行为进行舆论监督,在深圳将受法律保护。日前,获深圳市三届人大常委会第三十五次会议通过的《深圳市预防职务犯罪条例》,以专条形式明确规定了新闻媒体的舆论监督权,这在全国尚属首次。社会舆论认为,《条例》为舆论监督撑起了"保护伞",具有"破冰"意义。     

论证券市场信息披露的法律监管与新闻舆论监督

中国证券市场１０年经历说明，上市公司信息披露法律制度是中国证券立法的有效制度选择。完善的信息披露监管是增加市场透明度，保障投资者利益和建立市场理性与信心的有效制度，是中国证券监管制度的一个重要方面。如果没有严格规范的信息披露制度，证券市场的秩序信誉将无法维持；如果没有足够有力的制裁，便对违规者没有威慑力量；如果没有足够的法律救济手段，也不足以保障受害的投资者。在这个过程中，新闻舆论监督同样发挥了其作用，有利于保证证券市场的稳健运行。本文对信息披露制度和新闻舆论监督在证券市场发挥作用作初步探索。一…     

女性视角下的大众传媒——西方女性主义媒介批判综述

女性主义作为一种学术思潮和重要的研究派别,以它独特的性别视角和文化哲学,对西方学界产生了不可忽视的影响。女性主义在传播领域对性别歧视的批判、对传媒手段和媒介内容表现出的女性价值的研究,业已形成了该学科的中心日程。女性主义指出,大众传媒在社会性别角色观念和女性发展中扮演着重要角色,媒介充当了一个重要的性别偏见传播器。西方女性主义各主要学派均认定,女性价值并非天生,而正是自人类有史以来通过权力话语在社会建构起来的。她们追究了性别歧视的文化根源,并指出媒介对“权力——支配”的传统价值观是通过“话语”来建构和阐释的。女性主义旨在通过打破传播领域内的偏见和歧视,减少大众媒介对传统性别歧视的建构与影响,以促进社会的性别平等。     

The Empire Strikes Back: Press Judges and Communication Advisers in Dutch Courts

Judges in many jurisdictions are today prepared to utilize the media to promote a better public understanding of their role. Understandably, they wish not to be perceived as 'spin doctors' intent on a cynical manipulation of public opinion. Judges' professional reputation, their public image, and public confidence in their role hinge on a belief in their neutrality and impartiality. Court communicators are also aware that their success in the media arena depends on a degree of skill and strategizing to ensure that the integrity and complexity of their message are preserved in media reports. This paper discusses how press judges (judges who also act as media spokesperson) and communication advisers in Dutch courts address this. It is argued that the media liaison function embraced by Dutch courts may be an expansion of law's empire or, at least, a possible attempt by law's empire to strike back against the pressures of an increasingly inquisitive media.     

西部行政执法环境与舆论监督互动关系研究

西部行政执法环境的改善离不开媒体的舆论监督。然而舆论监督与行政执法环境既存在一致性,也存在不协调性。行政执法机关与新闻媒体之间应建立信任与合作的互动关系,促成行政机关、媒体与大众之间充分的交流与沟通,进而形成良性的舆论监督环境,最终达到宣传执法形象,化解执法矛盾,促进执法效率,实现西部行政执法环境的良性发展。     

传媒监督权行使如何法治——从“宜黄事件”切入

"宜黄事件"是一起因传媒监督而具有法律意义的典型事件。对该起事件的调研及对相关新闻内容的梳理表明,其传媒监督权行使的信息基础存在瑕疵,有违新闻报道的基本要求;相关传媒也未能坚持中立的立场,报导中未能做到尽可能的客观公正,未能兼顾冲突双方的话语权。因此,该案传媒监督权的行使出现了法治偏差。这与传媒介入的特性有关,更与传媒追求商业利益的倾向有关。社会和公共领域中的政治力量,也可能影响传媒监督权的立场。承担公共表达职能的传媒,是现代法治国家共同价值的维系纽带之一,因此需要平衡商业利益和政治力量的制约,塑造传媒监督的健康立场。这可以通过职业伦理约束和法律规范的共同作用来实现。     

The presentation of drugs in the news media: The news sources involved in the construction of social problems

We use content and ethnographic methods to analyze news media coverage of crime, drug offenses, and celebrated cases. We document the sources cited in crime stories to determine which officials are used to define what is important about crime as it is presented to the public. This analysis demonstrates that the organizational constraints of news production determine the presentation of the great majority of crime stories. The media rely on criminal justice sources to increase efficiency of news production. The involvement of sources in the standard production of news, however, gives them an opportunity to take advantage of important social problems and celebrated cases. We examine the sources cited in crime stories, drug stories, and celebrated cases to document how the news process evolves according to the importance of the story. Implications for understanding crime and the role of the media as an institution of social control are discussed.     

Analysis of Crime in Africa by the Mass Media in the 1960's and 1970's

This paper seeks to demonstrate the extent to which the mass media has become a partner in investigating as well as documenting the crime problem in the new states of Africa since the 1960's. Also, it examines the problems that have confronted the mass media in this role.     

Can twitter change the Iranian legal landscape for women?

ABSTRACT

This article explores the effectiveness of international social media (Twitter) campaigns, as a modern form of transnational advocacy networks, seeking domestic legal change in Iran for women’s rights. Using the spiral model of human rights change and second wave normative theories, the article critiques current thought on social media as an advocacy tool using evidence from two Iranian campaigns. Gathering empirical data from the #stopstoning and #letwomengotostadium campaigns, the research finds that Twitter campaigns may be linked to regression in some areas of women’s rights. Early evidence indicates that social media may lead to amplified government backlash, lack of campaign persistence and foreign overshadowing of domestic voices, which all contribute to the ongoing problematisation of the role of transnational advocacy networks in domestic human rights change.     

Media recognition and access to the presidential primary ballot

Legislatures in nearly a third of the states that conduct presidential preference primaries have given the media a statutory role in deciding who gets on that ballot. In these states, a candidate may qualify for placement on the ballot by being recognized by the media as a serious contender for the office of president. The constitutionality of these statutes has been upheld on the ground that they provide additional access to the ballot. This article argues, however, that the statutes are poor public policy because they contravene democratic principles, they compromise the press in its role as institutional watchdog and they fail to meet the essential goals of the candidate nominating process in a democracy. The article concludes by recommending that these so‐called media recognition statutes be repealed.     

Incurable Sex Offenders, Lousy Judges & The Media: Moral Panic Sustenance in the Age of New Media

There is consensus that since the 1990s, we have experienced a spike in public concern over sexual offenders. Analyzing this concern as a moral panic, this paper argues that national television coverage, as it picks up local news, adds heat to the fire by re-naming the villain as an inadequate judicial system. This process helps to sustain a moral panic, while narrowing the available discourse about the nature of appropriate punishment. Drawing upon a well-publicized example of a media event in Vermont, this paper extends the theory of moral panics to add another stage to the process—a stage presented by the advent of cable news programming, the relationship between local and national media, and the explosion of blogs. In order for a panic to sustain over an extended time period, the rhetoric about it must transform. In particular, the claimsmaking about the nature of the problem must evolve. In particular, the panic has evolved from sex offenders as folk devils to an attack on judicial discretion. The development of the outcry over judicial discretion was due, in part, to media distortion of the case. I will thus trace the trajectory of this one case to demonstrate the role of the media in shaping and sustaining the panic.     

Terms of service and bills of rights: new mechanisms of constitutionalisation in the social media environment?

ABSTRACT

From a cursory look at the terms of service of the main social networking websites, it is immediately possible to detect that Facebook’s show a peculiar configuration. Although they represent a mere contract between private parties, these terms adopt the traditional jargon of constitutional texts and articulate their contents in terms of rights, principles and duties. This curious pairing between norms regulating social media and the constitutional sphere is also apparent in a series of non-binding documents that are unequivocally named ‘bill of rights’ and seek to articulate a set of principles to protect social media users. This paper examines whether the emergence of a constitutional tone in this limited number of texts could be related to the effective, or aspirational, constitutional function that these documents exercise. The identification of a series of significant shortcomings will lead to exclude that social media’s terms of service and bills of rights of social media users currently play a constitutionalising role. Nevertheless, the possibility to theoretically justify the use of these documents as mechanisms of constitutionalisation in the social media environment will be adduced as an evidence of the potential constitutional aspirations of these texts.