国际政治视野中的环境安全——兼论当代中国的环境安全

基于全球环境恶化对人类生存与发展产生的不利影响,环境问题上升为安全问题。"环境安全"作为非传统安全的重要内容已经成为国际政治关注的一个焦点,在水安全、气候变化、公共领域、环境难民和军事与核扩散等方面引发国家之间的矛盾冲突。值得注意的是,中国的环境问题也在几个方面与周边国家和国际社会存在着不安全因素,对我国的经济利益和政治形象构成了挑战。     

论国际环境保护与维护国家主权之间的关系

冷战结束以后,环境问题在国际关系中的地位日益突出,这是不争的事实。尤其引人关注的是,国际环境保护运动和国际环境外交活动的深入发展已直接触及到国际关系中最敏感的问题—国家主权问题。因此,如何认识国际环境保护与维护国家主权之间的关系成为国际关系中的一个重大理论问题。     

一种打破威斯特伐利亚情结的有益尝试——读《世界历史中的国际体系》

在国际关系学的教科书里，1648年和在这一年签署的《威斯特伐利亚和约》是具有里程碑意义的历史节点和事件。其意义在于由此形成了现代国际关系史上第一个国际体系。而在此之前的早期国际关系则由于其偶然性、地区性、有限性和幼稚性，往往不被视为“严格意义上的国际关系”。这样界定历史的最大后果就是，我们发现1648年几乎成为一道不可逾越的分水岭，它的一侧是由近代西方民族国家几个世纪以来孕育、发展、扩张至全球的现代国际体系，     

论“金砖国家”的国际影响力及其制约因素

“金砖国家”从一个商业概念演变为一个国际机制有着深刻的背景。“金砖国家”的崛起不仅大大提升了发展中国家在世界格局中的地位,使得西方主导的战后国际秩序进入一个历史转折点,而且有利于世界经济政治发展模式的多样化和国际关系的民主化。“金砖国家”应冷静和理性地看待西方国家对新兴国家整体性崛起的疑虑,并对“金砖国家”自身存在的问题和制约因素有足够清醒的认识。     

“全球英国”外交战略：愿景、实践与制约因素

英国政府在2016年“脱欧”公投后提出了“全球英国”理念，作为“后脱欧时代”外交战略的指导思想，以应对变化中的国际环境和自身国际角色的转变。基于“全球英国”理念，英国将自身定位为“全球大国”，希望借助综合实力以及与美国和英联邦国家等传统盟友的关系继续在世界舞台上发挥重要作用；推出“向印太倾斜”战略，以期拓展盟友圈并扩大对外影响。与此同时，英国外交政策中以意识形态划线的趋向更加明显。“全球英国”战略因其自身固有的缺陷以及国内政治中的制约因素，在实践中面临着诸多障碍。苏纳克上台后对“全球英国”战略进行了一些调整，但其外交政策没有也不会发生实质性改变。     

霸权利益与国际公共产品供给形式的转换——美联储货币互换协定兴起的政治逻辑

霸权国是国际公共产品的主要提供者。霸权国主要通过授权国际组织和签订双边协议网络两种方式提供国际公共产品。国际公共产品供给形式的转变,是霸权国调整国际体系公共利益和霸权利益之间关系的结果。当国际公共产品供给条件恶化时,霸权国通过缔结双边协议网络临时替代基于委托—代理的国际组织,收缩国际公共产品的惠及范围,增加国际公共产品的排他性,捍卫霸权利益。在60年代的国际收支危机和2008年爆发的全球金融危机中,美联储通过货币互换协定网络替代国际货币基金组织金融救助机制,成为危机中的国际最后贷款安排。通过国际最后贷款供给形式的转换,美联储将有限的资源用于救助美国金融利益和战略价值覆盖的国家。     

“全球南方”是国际秩序演变的重要推动力量

随着百年未有之大变局加速演进，“全球南方”日渐成为塑造全球政治的重要新兴力量。发展中大国群体性崛起极大地改变“全球南方”的面貌，使之较以往更有意愿、能力和渠道参与国际安全与发展事务，促使全球治理机制更加注重发展中国家的核心关切。“全球南方”在化解国际冲突、促进国际发展、应对气候变化和推进文明对话等方面具有独特优势和作用，已经成为国际秩序演变中的重要建设性力量。作为“全球南方”的一员，中国积极推动增加“全球南方”国家在全球事务中的代表性和发言权，在促进“全球南方”团结和发展中发挥着重要引领作用。     

“中国倡议”助力“全球南方”共同发展

党的十八大以来，中国先后提出“一带一路”倡议和全球发展倡议、全球安全倡议、全球文明倡议等一系列“中国倡议”，为国际社会应对和平赤字、发展赤字、安全赤字、治理赤字贡献中国理念、中国智慧和中国方案，为推动构建人类命运共同体提供强大动能。“中国倡议”的基本属性是中国特色的国际公共产品和构建人类命运共同体的领域模块。“中国倡议”为“全球南方”提供重要引领与合作动力，必将推动构建“全球南方”利益共同体、责任共同体和命运共同体。     

中国能为全球话语体系建设贡献什么

正中国作为一个日益崛起的世界大国,勇于承担和履行自己应有的国际责任,积极发挥负责任的大国作用,及时向国际社会奉献处理现代国际关系的中国智慧,治国理政的中国经验,完善全球治理的中国方案,从而为国际社会提供更多有益的公共产品。自人类步入近代以来,全球话语体系就一直为欧美国家所主导,因而体现着强烈的"西方中心主义"     

全球公共产品视角下的中国国际发展合作

中国的对外援助事业随国际、国内形势而变化。近年来官方对国际发展合作的重视不仅促成中国对外援助指导思想的转变,也为对外援助向国际发展合作转型奠定了理念基础。中国为发展合作提供全球公共产品的实践不断丰富:一是基于本国成功经验而开展的减贫国际合作成为重要公共产品,二是通过创新农业技术合作方式为解决全球粮食安全问题提供更多公共产品,三是借助三方合作更好地创新公共产品供给模式,四是持续加强全球卫生公共产品供给。中国对外援助在取得积极成效的同时,也面临经济、技术实力有限、援助项目可持续性不足、受援国国家治理与互不干涉内政之间协调困难、国际发展合作的话语权有待提升等挑战。未来,中国应注重从制度建设、资金筹集、可持续性提升、受援国能动性发挥、国际话语权提升等方面做更充分准备。     

International democracy promotion: a role for public goods theory?

The state of international democracy promotion is in flux. After more than fifteen years of increasing activity and with more organisations and resources devoted to promoting democracy than ever before, a mood of uncertainty surrounds democracy support's current performance and future prospects. The last decade has also seen the emergence of a new literature on global public goods theory, offering fresh analytical perspectives on pressing issues in international affairs like peace, security, development, and environmental sustainability. The future of democracy promotion will be determined chiefly by the realities of the political market place, in societies on both sides of the relationship. But could recent theorising about the market for global public goods offer some analytical support for making sense of its current condition and, by identifying the democratic peace as a global public good strengthen the case for greater international cooperation in promoting democracy as means to achieve that end?     

The extraterritorial dimensions of biofuel policies and the politics of scale: live and let die?

Despite criticism, global biofuel production continues to rise, using primarily food crops. Between 2001 and 2012 it increased nearly six-fold, driven primarily by domestic policies, yet raising strong international concerns, eg over impacts on global food prices. Nevertheless, little international biofuel governance has emerged. This article examines the various extraterritorial dimensions of domestic biofuel policies and investigates why international biofuel governance has remained vague, despite its controversial nature. It uses the politics of scale to analyse why countries may wish to frame it as a global or domestic issue. Three extraterritorial dimensions are identified: global environmental impacts, global socioeconomic impacts, and attempts at extraterritorial control over biofuel production abroad. While major producers have successfully avoided liability for impacts by preventing the scaling up of much biofuel governance to the international level, major importers have tried to fill perceived governance gaps using policies aimed at extraterritorial control. We show that both the rise of nationally oriented development policies with extraterritorial impacts and of unilateral sustainability rule making primarily affect weaker countries, making global inequalities more pronounced. It is essential that adaptation governance take into account both environmental and global socioeconomic changes, such as higher agricultural commodity prices.     

从国际金融经济体系变革看主要各方关系微妙变化

发端于美国的全球性金融危机和经济衰退继续蔓延和深化。危机暴露了长期以来一直由美欧主宰的现行国际金融经济体系的不合理,扩大广大发展中国家的代表权、发言权和决策权已势在必行。主要各方围绕金融、经济和政治权益,正在展开重大博弈。国际金融经济体系改革能否成功将取决于各方能否在平衡权益上达成妥协,找到一种新的协调合作方式,建立一种新的运行机制。     

世界形势大调整大变革中的中国外交

国际社会正面临自1648年威斯特伐里亚体系出现以来最复杂的大变化大调整,它表现在国际政治格局、国际经济格局、新的外交形式的出现、全球性话题的突出和中国地位与作用的提升等方面。为适应这种变化,中国外交也在进行深刻的调整,对中国与国际社会的关系、中美关系、中国与发展中国家的关系等进行深入的思考和政策的调整。     

国际税收制度改革新进程及其影响

针对数字经济税基侵蚀和利润转移的国际税收制度改革于2013年被正式提上议程,并逐渐形成了以双支柱为核心的税改方案。2021年10月,改革取得突破性进展,正式获得大多数改革参与国同意,计划于2023年开始在全球范围内实施。国际税收制度改革未来将对全球税收治理、全球贫富差距、数字经济发展、资本流动和避税型离岸中心等产生持续影响,也将给中国完善税收体制、发挥大国优势、吸引中资跨国数字企业回归、推动自由贸易试验区改革与创新等带来机遇。但国际税收制度改革同时会收紧中资跨国企业的海外投资环境,对香港金融稳定也会造成影响。中国应以本轮国际税收制度改革为契机积极参与,并完善税收征管机制,加快市场化建设和金融开放进程,在自贸区对标高水平国际创新,以及提升香港内生增长动力和稳定性。     

Global Jihadist Recidivism: A Red Flag

This commentary examines the issue of global jihadist recidivism and identifies it as a potential long-term international counterterrorism concern. Although there are no comprehensive and accurate statistics on global jihadist recidivism, there is sufficient anecdotal evidence that suggests that the tendency for released imprisoned global jihadist terrorists is to return to terrorist activity. It is important to understand that arresting, indicting, and sentencing a captured global jihadist terrorist is not the end of the counterterrorism skirmish. In fact, the next stages of incarceration and reformation are more crucial to the endgame. The problem of global jihadist recidivism is at the core a manpower issue. Prisons have always been an important front for all types of terrorist groups. Recidivism or the failure of prison rehabilitation programs is simply one component of this front. Terrorist groups do not want their imprisoned members to reform and resign from the organization. Further research needs to be conducted on the recidivism rate for terrorists and whether religious terrorists would have a higher rate than secular ones. The academic, think tank, and U.S. government communities need to examine this issue to determine if it is a long-term international counterterrorism problem. The author believes it will be.     

Africa and the Poverty of International Relations

The modern condition of poverty in Africa is a global phenomenon, the outcome of world-historical processes of social change, and reproduced by globally structured social relations. This is obscured in academic analysis. The 20th century division of labour produced an absence of theorising the international from the discipline of Development Studies, and an absence of poverty from the concerns of International Relations. Neither Development Studies nor ir have adequately emphasised or theorised the global production and reproduction of local poverty in Africa. Perhaps this can be remedied, thanks to the increasing attention to studying international relations ‘from below’ in recent critical scholarship. However, methodologically, the current critical approaches in ir and ds are disabled by their abandonment of objectivity and a commitment to explanation. The article concludes by arguing for elaboration of the global political economy of poverty in Africa, as a form of social scientific inquiry with necessarily emancipatory implications.     

China's Environmental Governance: the domestic – international nexus

This paper examines the connection between China's domestic governance and its involvement in global governance in environmental protection by studying the major actors and issues involved in the interaction between the domestic and international spheres of activities. These actors include international institutions, national and local governments, nongovernmental organisations, and others. The paper demonstrates that China has made some substantive progress in protecting its environment, but much more needs to be done. Internationally it seems to lack the will or the capability to make much contribution towards global environmental governance. However, because of its huge aggregate size, what it does or does not do to avert environmental degradation at home could have a significant impact on collective efforts to protect the environment at the global level.     

Kosovo,Self-Determination and the International Order

Yugoslavia's wars provide a rich example of the range of challenges posed to international stability and fundamental principles of international relations since 1989. Within this context, Kosovo's independence has now become a cause celebre of the use of the principle of self-determination in state-creation. In addition, the case of Kosovo is an important development in the practice of humanitarian intervention and by implication the evolution of the concept of the Responsibility to Protect. To better understand the effects of Kosovar claims to self-determination on international order, a clearer understanding is required of the factors shaping that order and how self-determination (as it emerges from the road to Kosovo's independence) relates to those factors. The issue of ‘self-determination after Kosovo’, is placed here into both the context of Yugoslavia's collapse and a number of broader key features which could be said to have played a dominant role in shaping international order post-1989.     

Securing Internet Society: Toward an International Regime for Information Assurance

The Internet is rapidly changing how states and international businesses operate and deliver services and goods to citizens and customers. This global information medium, however, has also become the vehicle for a new set of malicious activities carried out by hackers, terrorists, and rogue states. This article discusses a possible course of action to counter this growing international security threat: the development of an international regime for information assurance. Still, this regime cannot arise exclusively from the cooperative efforts of national government, but requires the active involvement of international businesses. This article, therefore, postulates that this regime can arise only if states and international businesses fully appreciate their respective interests in the areas of information security and assurance.