泰国政治和解三大障碍

长达8年的政治乱局并不是一场即将到来的大选就能平息的,如果"利益—权力—制度"结构关系中存在的问题无法得到有效化解,那么新一轮的政治冲突将无可避免!2013年12月9日,泰国总理英拉在反对派大规模街头运动的步步紧逼之下,宣布解散众议院,提前举行全国大选。这一幕与2006年泰国前总理、英拉兄长他信宣布解散众议院的情景如此相似!时隔近8年,泰国在经历了     

泰国政治分歧及对中泰关系影响

泰国政坛在"红黄对立"与代际分化的双重裂痕影响下,形成了"挺巴育"与"反巴育"两大阵营对峙、中小政党居中制衡的复杂格局,这不仅严重影响巴育政府的决策与落实能力,而且在保守派和革新派"盘外过招"下引发政治冲突再度升级。尽管泰国政治保守派与革新派的分歧并未从根本上影响中泰战略合作的良好发展态势,但从中长期来看,为了深化合作,有必要做好应对,在观念塑造上争取新生代认同,在项目推进上增进当地民众获得感,在合作对象上接续地方豪强党派友华感情。     

美国反共主义外交的国内政治根源

十月革命胜利以后,政治意识、社会制度上的对立以及美国特有的政治文化的作用,使美国社会产生了一股反共主义思潮,并很快成为美国外交政策的基本指导原则之一.本文从两党政治、公众舆论、利益集团三个方面分析了美国反共主义外交的国内政治根源.     

战后日本阶级政治的70年

<正>一、何谓阶级政治本文旨在以"阶级政治"的视角解析日本战后70年的发展历程,并由此提出"阶级斗争(对立)"概念与"阶级联合(和谐)"概念的社会科学重要性。对于何谓"阶级政治",可以从三个维度进行解读。第一个维度是潜在于社会结构中的阶级利益视角;第二个维度是以这种利益为轴伴生的各阶级的团结力和凝聚性的程度;第三个维度是显示这种凝聚性的意识形态的存在方式。也就是说,需要从这三个维度顺次向上的方式思考现实     

台湾族群政治的特征分析

台湾的政治生态在从威权体制转型为政党政治过程中，党外势力与民进党为了与传统国民党争夺执政权，扩充其民意基础，强化省籍族群间区隔乃至对立；国民党则因内部的派系斗争或外在的舆论压力也适时打起“族群”牌，结果导致在台湾社会中省籍族群问题，每到公职选举或政治敏感时期就会骤然凸显，成为影响政局发展的重要变数。台湾的族群政治在党外势力和民进党反对国民党的斗争中逐步形成了一些与世界上其他地区族群政治显著不同的特征。     

政治管理与制度更新的探索——"长治实践"之分析

改革开放以来，由于党政一体化领导体制与时代发展之间的脱节等原因，在政治世界大于经济世界的区域内，干部与群众关系对立现象严重。吕日周在自己担任“一把手”的长治开展了一场执政方式的探索，并对原先制度进行了一定修正，为增强威权政治合法性来发动官员进行制度重新设计中的政治管理因素对“有效的管理者”向“成功的管理者”转变有借鉴意义。     

简析民进党的“对立——冲突”政治行为模式

民进党以制造冲突为主要手段进行动员的政治行为模式根深蒂固，在没有上台以前就表现得极为明显。2000年民进党取得执政权，“对立——冲突”的政治行为模式得到了进一步强化。2008年民进党在台湾最高领导人选举中惨败之后，这种政治行为模式依然是该党政治行为的主流选择，这对民进党未来的路线检讨无疑是一个沉重的包袱。     

和平发展时期“两岸政治关系”理论内涵与实践路径探讨

和平发展时期“两岸政治关系”理论内涵包括两岸之间政治对立、政治互动、政治互信、政治定位与政治合作等，这五方面关系总体上是逐步递进关系，如在存在政治对立情况下开启政治互动，通过政治互动增进政治互信，并在此基础上面对与处理政治定位，最后开启政治合作；同时这五方面也存在彼此促进、互为条件关系，如在政治互信基础上开展良性政治互动，反过来会增进政治互信；如果政治定位能得到妥善处理，政治互动会更顺畅，政治互信会更强化，政治合作也能深入开展。“合情合理安排”“两岸政治关系”路径包括双方协商、平等协商、务实协商与公权力协商。     

政治生态环境的变化与印度国大党的发展

政党的生存发展离不开具体的社会体系,政治体制、政治文化社会变迁等都是政党发展过程中无法避开的社会现实,也是政党自我调适实现健康发展的推动力,这对成立已有125年历史的印度国大党来说更是如此。印度政治社会的变化与国大党     

台湾青年世代政治参与的动向与影响

2013年"白衫军运动"以后,台湾青年世代一反过去政治冷漠的常态,大规模参与"反核四"、"反服贸"、"巢运"等社会运动以及选举活动。本文以政治学的政治参与理论为模型,系统论述台湾青年世代政治参与的以往特点与近几年表现出的新动向,探究其背后的社会变迁因素和结构性因素,并评估其新动向将对台湾政治生活的各个方面以及两岸关系产生哪些重大影响。     

Thaksin Shinawatra and the reshaping of Thai politics

Twice elected prime minister of Thailand at the head of his Thai Rak Thai Party, telecommunications magnate Thaksin Shinwatra was controversial in office. Since his government was overthrown by a September 2006 military coup backed by the palace, conservatives, and a broad coalition of opponents, Thaksin has remained at the centre of Thailand's continuing political turmoil. This paper examines his political legacy, both in its positive and negative forms, through a focus on the nature of political parties and electoral policies in Thailand; the role of business interests in politics; the impact of Thaksin's politics on political activism and mobilisation; populism, social welfare, and the reaction of the middle class to welfare politics; Thaksin's confrontation with the elite and the monarchy; and the developing judicialisation of politics.     

Politics without frontiers: The impact of Hungarian domestic politics on the minority question in Romania

Throughout the past years, substantial discussions have dealt with the factors associated with ethnic conflicts such as institutional designs, group dynamics and the influence of external peacemakers. However, one area remains largely uncovered: this is how the domestic politics of a nation state shape minority issues from the same ethnicity in another country. In this paper we discuss the dynamics of Hungarian politics relative to the Hungarian minority in Romania, and identify factors that resulted in exporting domestic political contention to another country.     

论巴基斯坦部落地区的塔利班化

由于持久的经济恶化与社会动荡、腐败的政府政治架构、在反恐议题上同西方进一步结盟与合作等原因，巴基斯坦的部落地区不断塔利班化，主要表现为极端主义、武装暴力和群众参与。其主要后果是严重影响到巴基斯坦国内政局的稳定。西方军事力量将可能长期驻扎在阿富汗，而中巴两国“全天候”的关系也将面临激进宗教势力和分离主义势力的挑战。     

Neo-liberalism and Domestic Capital: The Political Outcomes of the Economic Crisis in Thailand

The 1997 economic crisis in Thailand provided an opportunity for a reinvigoration of neo-liberal economic policies. International financial institutions, together with Thailand's Democrat-led government, emphasised further market reforms, liberalisation, deregulation, decentralisation, privatisation and a reduced role for the state. The deep economic downturn saw a popular rejection of such policies, meaning that the neo-liberal interregnum was short-lived. The 2001 landslide electoral victory of the Thai Rak Thai Party symbolised the intensity of opposition to neo-liberalism. It also showed that national governments remain critical in shaping markets and that domestic economic actors continue to have significant political roles. In Thailand, far from neutering domestic capital's political capacity, the crisis and opposition to neo-liberalism saw this enhanced. One reason for this was that neo-liberal restructuring was not simply about the efficient operation of the market. Rather, it demanded a fundamental transformation of the operations of government and of the ways that business was organised and conducted. This threatened domestic capital. Its economic survival required that it seize the state so that it could control economic policy-making. This was achieved through the Thai Rak Thai electoral victory and its subsequent rule, where the protection of domestic capital's interests was achieved through a re-negotiation of its social contract with other classes.     

Linking national and global population agendas: case studies from eight developing countries

This comparative study of the determinants of family planning policy initiation and implementation focuses on four pairs of countries: Zambia/Zimbabwe, Algeria/Tunisia, Pakistan/Bangladesh, and Philippines/Thailand. The conclusion is drawn that global efforts had an influence on national policy makers and on putting family planning issues on the policy agenda. Global impacts were affected by national economic and social conditions and the broader political and economic relations with Western countries. The absolute level of economic development was found to be unrelated to the timing of initiation of family planning on national policy agendas. Stronger national family planning programs occurred in countries where policy makers linked economic development at whatever level with the need to limit population growth. Pakistan and Thailand in the 1960s illustrated this commitment to family planning programs, and Zambia and Algeria illustrated the lack of connection between development and population growth at the policy level and the lack of family planning on the policy agenda. Affiliation with the West during the 1960s meant early initiation of family planning in Pakistan/Bangladesh and Philippines/Thailand. Stronger commitment to program implementation occurred only in Thailand during the 1970s and Zimbabwe during the 1980s. Commitment lessened in the Philippines and Pakistan. Program implementation and national support of family planning were viewed as also dependent upon domestic factors, such as sufficient resources. Algeria/Tunisia and Zambia/Zimbabwe were countries that promoted family planning only after national political ideology shifted and anti-imperialist sentiments subsided. The impact of the international Cairo conference on these countries was minimal in terms of policy change. Most of the countries however desired greater support from donors. Even objections from the Vatican and internal domestic pressures were insufficient to prevent countries such as the Philippines and Pakistan from supporting the Cairo Plan of Action and a family planning and reproductive health agenda. Bangladesh and Pakistan are given as examples of countries where differences in the focus of foreign aid impacted on the national support for social services.     

对外政策优先还是国内政治优先?——埃卡特·克尔关于德意志第二帝国海军扩张问题的研究

德国历史学家埃卡特·克尔将社会和经济力量引入对第二帝国海军问题的研究,针对传统兰克史学所遵从的"对外政策优先"原则,提出"国内政治优先"的论断。克尔在德国国内政治和社会经济基础上,揭示海军扩张与帝国主义政策这两个问题与当时德国的社会经济状况、阶级结构、利益集团和政党政治之间的紧密联系。克尔的研究侧重社会史,强调经济和社会结构的决定性作用,重视阶级分析方法的使用,有很强的马克思主义色彩。克尔的研究表明,外交史和国际关系史的书写在档案之外还应关注更广阔的经济、社会力量,兼顾国际关系与国内政治,综合社会、文化、经济和观念诸方面并展现它们相互影响和交织的立体图景。     

Implementing European case law at the bureaucratic frontline: How domestic signalling influences the outcomes of EU law

This article analyses the implementation of European case law at the bureaucratic frontline of European member states. Theoretically, insights from street‐level implementation studies are combined with judicial impact research. Empirically, we compare how EU rules on free movement and cross‐border welfare are applied in practice in Denmark, Austria and France. We find that when applying EU rules in practice, street‐level bureaucrats are confronted with a world of legal complexity, consisting of ambiguous rules, underspecified concepts and a recent judicial turn by the Court of Justice of the European Union. In order to manage complexity, street‐level bureaucrats turn to their more immediate superiors for guidance. As a consequence, domestic signals shape the practical application of EU law. Despite bureaucratic discretion and many country differences, domestic signals create uniform, restrictive outcomes of EU law in all three cases. Thus we show that there is considerable room for politics in EU implementation processes.     

Citizen response to regional integration in the Americas: The cases of Costa Rica and El Salvador

This study examines public opinion in Costa Rica and El Salvador regarding regional integration in Central America. Recent efforts at regional integration as well as the response of the governments of the above countries to those efforts are reviewed. Public opinion toward regional integration is significantly more positive but less structured in El Salvador than in Costa Rica. Differences in the international and domestic contexts help to explain the differential responses in these two countries. Likewise, contextual factors help to account for differences between Central American and European publics in attitudes toward regional integration. Charles L. Davis is associate professor of political science at the University of Kentucky. His interests are Latin American politics and comparative political behavior. Matthew J. Gabel is assistant professor of political science at the University of Kentucky. His interests are European politics and the politics of regional integration. Kenneth M. Coleman is a former professor at the University of Kentucky, the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, and the University of New Mexico. His interests are Latin American politics and public opinion.     

日本政治的未来发展趋势——从各政治主体相互关系的视角

目前,在日本政治中,选民与政党的关系因利益集团的衰退而尚未固定下来,政府与社会的关系更是由于行政改革处在较大的变化之中,决策过程中的议员与官僚的关系甚至有些紧张,世界政治经济格局尚未成型下的外交方向不确定选择也影响到国内政治的变化。因此,持续的政界分化组合引起的政权更替使日本政治乃至政局在一段时间内难以稳定下来。未来的日本政治体制将仍以一个较大的政党为中心组建政权,选民通过政策取向决定自己手中的选票,政党主导决策过程的趋势加强,市民组织型社会也有所发展,但日本在国际舞台上的影响力将逐渐减弱。     

Reformation of a Terrorist Group: Hezbollah as a Lebanese Political Party

Despite the classification of Hezbollah as a terrorist group by several states, Hezbollah is recognized as a legitimate political party within Lebanon. The purpose of this article is to probe at the reasons why Hezbollah was able to achieve its current status in the Lebanese government while it still maintains a powerful, well armed military branch that has used force recently to influence Lebanese politics. An examination of Hezbollah's life cycle suggests that two major factors were decisive: 1) Hezbollah's political leverage over the majority government, and 2) choices by Hezbollah's leaders to moderate their objectives to achieve domestic political goals.