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1.
当今世界,俄罗斯是石油天然气储量、生产、出口和过境的能源大国,自普京担任总统后,俄罗斯就把能源出口作为一项重要的国家发展战略,俄石油即开始大量进入国际能源市场,对国际能源格局产生了一定影响。所谓国际能源格局,就是指在国际舞台上能够起主导作用  相似文献   

2.
金砖国家都是全球能源市场上举足轻重的角色,面临共同的压力与挑战,具有大致相同的能源利益与诉求。金砖国家应该建立开放性的多边能源合作机制,并在国际能源治理中发挥积极的、建设性的作用。金砖国家加强能源领域的多边合作,可以优势互补,整体推动国际新能源、新秩序的构建。金砖国家的能源合作应该坚持包容性原则,建立金砖国家的能源协调机制,深化能源合作的关键性领域,通过扩大金砖国家的国际参与,提高金砖国家参与全球能源治理的能力。  相似文献   

3.
挑战与机遇相生共存:中美新能源合作的新趋势   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
近年来,世界上许多国家和地区将新能源作为其能源发展战略的重要组成部分。目前,中美两国积极开发本国新能源,并在新能源方面展开了一系列合作,这不仅对两国关系和双边利益会产生重大的影响,而且将深刻影响全球新能源的发展。  相似文献   

4.
拜登政府推出的《临时国家安全战略方针》作为临时方针以及未来制定正式国家安全战略的基本原则,体现了其国家安全战略的大致发展方向.拜登政府的国家安全战略延续了以实力为原则的战略传统:建立强大的美国经济,从更强势的地位迎接新挑战;希望重返特朗普政府退出的国际组织和多边协定,重新领导世界,并以美国的价值观和原则主导全球治理体系;根据国际格局的变化组建模块化联盟体系,借助盟友的力量应对不同领域的挑战;强调与中国的大国竞争,将中国视为唯一能对美国主导的国际体系提出严峻挑战的国家.尽管不排除在一些全球和地区事务上与中国进行合作,但战略竞争甚至对抗将成为美国对华政策的主轴.  相似文献   

5.
<正>出于国内能源结构变化、全球治理进程压力和自身环境安全的需要,奥巴马在第二个总统任期的气候政策和战略继续延续其第一个任期"绿色新政"以来的核心理念,即承认全球变暖,并承诺积极应对。与第一任期相比,奥巴马当前的气候政策思路更加清晰、团队更加强大、执行更加坚决。2013年6月,奥巴马政府发布了美国历史上首份国家层面的  相似文献   

6.
海湾国家资源民族主义与中国能源安全   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
<正>近年来,随着国际油价的持续走高,"资源民族主义"现象在世界主要油气生产国,特别是海湾国家中悄然兴起,成为全球战略性能源投资中的首要风险。海湾国家作为世界主要油气生产国,其资源民族主义的发展会对中国脆弱的国际能源供给安全带来怎样的冲击?是否会引发国际能源安全领域的"蝴蝶效应"?作为世界第二大能源消费国,探寻一条与海湾国家能源合作的共赢道路,是维护中国在海湾地区能源利益的重要前提。  相似文献   

7.
孙永祥 《国际展望》2012,(2):48-66,135
全球金融危机及其引发的后果使众多国家越来越认识到能源对经济发展的重要作用。中国和俄罗斯均属经济转型国家,国内经济发展需外力拉动。能源合作是加强两国战略伙伴关系和经贸合作的重要内容。多年来,中俄能源合作取得一些进展,但能源实力及其战略上的差异使两国能源合作尚存在一些问题,需要双方在各自国家发展战略层面上,按市场经济规律加以协调和解决,方可取得有效成果。  相似文献   

8.
吴磊 《当代世界》2023,(12):30-35
2022年乌克兰危机爆发后,国际能源供应链再次断裂,欧洲成为断裂的中心地带。欧盟通过增加来自美国等国的天然气供应来重置供应链,俄罗斯油气市场出口则进一步向东转,全球油气供应链重构暂时相对平衡但远未结束。在能源转型背景下,清洁能源供应链正在取代油气供应链,并成为全球能源供应链重构的主战场。全球能源转型对关键矿产需求的大规模增长和美西方国家实施的“脱钩断链”“去风险化”政策,加剧了各国对清洁能源供应链的争夺。中国坚决反对将能源问题政治化、武器化,在加强同相关国家和地区能源合作的同时,进一步扩大市场开放,优化营商环境,深化能源产业链供应链国际合作。  相似文献   

9.
在急剧变动的世界能源格局之下,中国未来的能源战略必须要统筹国内、国际两大能源发展大局,立足当前、着眼长远,按照互利合作、多元发展、协同保障的新能源安全观,充分利用全球能源资源。中国能源“走出去”战略,旨在加大力度开拓境外油气来源,  相似文献   

10.
李意 《国际展望》2022,14(1):135-156
阿拉伯海湾援助国是新兴援助国的重要成员,在国际发展援助中的贡献与日俱增。援助国的实践服务于政治、经济与文化战略需求,与石油红利、君主制政权、历史地缘关系、伊斯兰文化的宗教属性及地区安全环境密切相关。从外交战略看,援助政策被纳入国家总体战略,在保持对战略重点区域持续投入的基础上向全球扩展,主要体现为团结援助和南南合作;从经济战略看,在全球范围内部署和循环利用石油财富,旨在加速推进国家经济多元化政策;从文化战略看,宣扬伊斯兰传统文化中慷慨施舍的精神,达到提升国家地位、塑造地区影响力之目的;从援助特点看,以王室和中央政府主导的援助政策,兼顾双边和多边的援助渠道,援助分配聚焦受援国经济与社会发展领域、积极对接国际发展合作新机制。援助不仅通过人道主义援助缓解了贫困国家的发展难题,而且彰显了其在国际发展合作中的多重作用,与中国深入践行合作共享的发展理念息息相通。  相似文献   

11.
国有企业“走出去”与当代中国外交海外困局   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
李欣 《国际展望》2012,(2):15-26,133
伴随中国经济海外投资规模的扩大和国际影响力的提升,国有企业在中国经济有关能源开发、工程承包、投资安全、领事保护等海外事务中的影响与日俱增,成为当代中国外交政策新的参与者。然而,由于自身认识、经验、能力等主观条件及客观的国际政治经济环境所限,日趋独立的国有企业在"走出去"的过程中也存在诸多问题,为当代中国外交的海外行动制造了一些棘手的困局。  相似文献   

12.
The aim of this article is to help frame the China–EU dialogue on energy security, formally established in 2012, yet in reality adding to decades of sustained dialogue and collaboration to address energy development and policy-making in China. The paper begins by noting that the lack of mutual energy dependence between the EU and China can place a limit to the attractiveness of the security dimension of energy as a topic for further dialogue. China's energy challenges require fast delivery of industry-level results, against ideational aspects associated with search for energy security on the global scale. Then, the article proceeds in four parts: (1) a review and analysis of European and Chinese energy security concepts; (2) an explanation of the rationale for EU–China energy security cooperation and policy coordination; (3) an overview of the past and current undertakings in the energy field between China and the EU; and (4) a set of ideas to consider in making this new layer of formal dialogue effectual.  相似文献   

13.
The spectacular scale and speed of China’s domestic renewable energy capacity development and technology catch-up has in recent years been followed by the ‘go out’ of Chinese clean energy technology firms seeking new markets and opportunities in sub-Saharan Africa. This paper explores the growing involvement of China in the development and transfer of renewable energy technologies in Africa and examines the key drivers and obstacles shaping Chinese renewable energy investments and exports. Far from there being some kind of grand or harmonious strategy directed by a single monolithic state, we argue that fragmented and decentralised state apparatuses and quasi-market actors in China are increasingly pursuing their own independent interests and agendas around renewable energy in Africa in ways often marked by conflict, inconsistency and incoherence. Moving beyond the state-centric analysis common in much of the research on contemporary China–Africa relations, we examine the motivations of a range of non-state and quasi-state actors, as well their different perceptions and constructions of risk, policy environments and political stability in recipient countries. The paper explores the case study example of South Africa, where Chinese firms have become increasingly significant in the diffusion of renewable energy technology.  相似文献   

14.
For successful implementation, policy goals should be clear, shared by affected parties, and linked to implementation efforts. Leadership, capable implementers, adequate resources, and an ability to control the external environment are also necessary for successful policy implementation. In the case of China hosting the 1995 Fourth United Nations Conference on Women, these factors were not present. This study describes the problems of implementation as they are illustrated by this case and makes suggestions on how policies can be carried out in an international setting. These suggestions include the recognition of cultural differences, the acceptance of the fact that politics shapes policy decisions and implementation, and the establishment of structures and processes to resolve any conflicts that arise.  相似文献   

15.
美国新能源政策及对中国新能源产业的影响   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
陈波  陈靓 《国际展望》2012,(1):71-84,117
基于确保能源安全、应对全球气候谈判、促进经济快速复苏和经济结构转型及抢占下一轮产业革命制高点的战略目标,美国在金融危机爆发后,采取了一系列加快新能源产业发展的激励政策。美国制定和实施的对内鼓励新能源产业技术创新、快速产业化和对外调整气候谈判策略、发起301调查等新能源政策组合拳,将对我国新能源产业发展产生巨大影响。我国政府和企业必须及时调整新能源产业发展战略和支持政策,以应对新能源产业发展面临的巨大挑战。  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

China’s engagement with global capitalism is driven by the emergence of a statist and private transnational capitalist class. Nevertheless, aspects of China’s foreign policy from the Maoist period still echo today. Consequently, elements of third world solidarity and opposition to Western domination continue to exist as China’s past is redefined to further its transnational strategies in Latin America and the US. The main Chinese investments in South America have been in energy and infrastructure among the left lead countries of the Pink Tide. In the US, Chinese capital has grown despite heated political rhetoric. This paper will examine how economic ties in South and North America reflect past and present conditions, and if China has initiated a non-Western globalisation.  相似文献   

17.
由于美国国内政治极化严重,恢复经济、控制疫情、弥合国内社会撕裂等成为拜登政府的当务之急。而且由于特朗普政府时期的一些对外政策具有一定的社会基础,美国两党在一些领域也有共识,所以在一些重大国际问题上,拜登政府的立场和政策将以延续为主、调整为辅。同时,鉴于拜登阵营的建制派背景,其在国际问题上将更注重以多边主义和国际合作的方式推进相关政策。具体而言,在亚太安全领域,拜登政府对特朗普政府政策的延续将大于变化;美欧关系将有所拉近;中美俄和美欧俄战略三角关系的调整将对美俄关系未来产生影响。拜登政府以重振美国国际领导权为重要目标,对多边主义国际秩序将产生较大影响。在全球卫生治理领域,拜登政府将努力消除特朗普政府时期外交政策的负面影响。在重返亚太区域经济一体化问题上,美国短期内不会有实质性行动。在科技产业领域,特朗普政府时期的政策基调将得到延续,中国需努力遏制双方关系恶化的势头,为自身发展营造稳定的外部环境。  相似文献   

18.
Lei Yu 《欧亚研究》2020,72(5):894-910
Abstract

China has been committed to resolving its border disputes with Russia since the late 1980s and expedited this move in the wake of the Cold War in the hope of removing what has been referred to as the ‘biggest obstacle’ to the establishment of a strategic partnership with Russia. In so doing, China pursued three interconnected objectives. The first relates to China’s strategic and security environment that, in the Chinese perspective, has worsened since the United States has unilaterally engaged in a policy of China-containment. The second objective is to maintain China’s economic growth through a partnership with its resource-abundant neighbour. Chinese political leadership and academics have considered economic modernisation as their ‘paramount’ task since Deng Xiaoping launched market reform in the late 1970s. The third objective is to fulfil China’s dream of restoring its past glory by rising in the global power hierarchy and reshaping the current world order more to its liking.  相似文献   

19.
The cement and coal-briquette manufacturing enterprises founded by Chinese capitalist Liu Hongsheng (1888–1956) during the 1920s and 1930s illustrate the potential of perspectives from the field of energy history to enrich our understanding of the interface between business and environment in modern China. Through his involvement in coal marketing and distribution during the early twentieth century, Liu Hongsheng promoted and profited from China's nascent transition to an energy regime powered by fossil fuels. With the establishment of his cement and coal-briquette companies, Liu also devised ways to profitably reuse and exploit by-products from his coal businesses as a source of energy for other forms of industrial production. More broadly, this analysis of the ecological linkages among Liu Hongsheng's business ventures situates them in relation to the interlocking systems of technology, infrastructure, energy sources, and institutions that facilitated the initial emergence of fossil-fueled economic growth in China during the interwar period.  相似文献   

20.
中美两国在中东和中亚地区进行反恐合作既符合本国国内发展的需要,也是促进两国在不存在竞争的领域实现合作、建立互信的重要方式。由于中美两国的政治体制和价值观念不同,两国对恐怖主义的界定存在分歧。但是,中美两国都需要贸易安全、全球经济健康发展、以市场价确保相互之间能源出口,以及与世界其他伙伴国家的能源出口安全运行。高于一切的战略利益能够促使两国在可能的领域开展合作,并且避免出现任何形式的对抗。因此,在现有合作的基础上,加强在情报、外交及海上反恐等方面的合作,将援助转化成反恐的手段。在反恐合作的过程中,两国应始终坚持求同存异的方针,寻求更好的结果。  相似文献   

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