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1.
生态危机源于征服自然的理念和资本积累的逻辑。以马克思恩格斯为代表的传统左翼既反对征服自然,更反对资本积累,为生态马克思主义和生态社会主义运动奠定了理论基础。新型普罗米修斯式的社会主义试图通过技术乌托邦和生态现代主义来解决气候变暖等全球性生态环境问题,忽视了科学和技术的社会关系和人类的真正需要,没有从根本上改变现存资本主义的商品制度。目前,解决全球性生态危机不仅需要技术变革和创新,更需要生态革命和社会革命。生态马克思主义倡导改变人类社会与自然之间的新陈代谢关系,号召全人类在符合地球自身的诸多生态原则的基础上重建人类世界。  相似文献   

2.
生态社会主义的生态发展观对构建和谐社会的启示   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
生态社会主义作为近30年来日趋兴盛的一种社会主义思潮,是对资本主义的工业扩张主义所造成的生态危机挑战的理论回应。其理论核心生态发展观以实现人与社会、人与自然的和谐为目标,在对当代资本主义的发展进行深刻反思和批判的基础上,提出了资本主义在经济、政治、文化和社会等各个领域的生态重建模式,为当代中国构建和谐社会提供了可以借鉴的发展理论和发展思路。  相似文献   

3.
生态马克思主义发展概况   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
生态马克思主义在20世纪80年代被中国学者引介到中国学界。在过去的20年中,生态马克思主义主要经历了四种理论形态,分别为生态危机理论、双重矛盾理论、革命的生态社会主义理论以及马克思的生态学理论。这四种理论形态反映了生态马克思主义从不承认马克思具有生态学思想发展到发掘马克思系统的生态学这一完整的过程,为解决全球化背景下的资本主义生态环境危机提供了一种马克思主义的解决方案。  相似文献   

4.
奥康纳和福斯特是20世纪90年代后生态学马克思主义的主要代表人物。他们就马克思及其理论体系中是否存在生态学思想、资本主义社会生产导致的生态危机及生态危机的解决路径等问题阐述了各自的理论观点。本文通过对"重构历史唯物主义"与"回归马克思主义"、"第二重矛盾论"与"物质变换裂缝论"、"改良生态社会主义"与"革命生态社会主义"的比较研究,分析二者思想的异同,旨在进一步深化对生态学马克思主义的认识和发展。  相似文献   

5.
生态主义理论,是20世纪60年代末伴随生态危机和生态运动在西方发达国家兴起的一种社会政治思潮.该理论以生态学、社会责任感、基层民主和非暴力为原则,以环保、和平、女权为基本目标,在西方社会政治理论中独树一帜,对各国和世界政治、经济、社会、文化价值产生了一定影响.  相似文献   

6.
生态社会主义是共产主义幽灵的继承者,它把资本主义视为人类的大敌,认为资本主义是人类的癌变,是生态危机的根源,自然界和人类都是资本主义的受害者,推翻资本主义是克服生态危机的必由之路。生态社会主义不是一个非政府组织,也不是一个政党,它属于左翼,但又经常在批判左翼。生态社会主义区别于环境保护主义,是对资本主义的超越,自然界的内在价值是生态社会主义理论与实践的中心。生态社会主义运动是一场革命,其目标是按照一种新的生产方式实现国家和公民社会的转型。  相似文献   

7.
<正>戴维·哈维对严峻的生态问题给予了高度关注,他以丰富的地理学经验对生态危机的根源进行了独特的分析,然后以历史—地理唯物主义和过程辩证法为理论框架,对人与自然、社会与生态环境的关系进行了全新的解释,提出一条兼顾社会与生态变迁双重性的生态社会主义规划,以辩证乌托邦形式建立社会—生态体系,化解当代生态危机。探析哈维生态社会主义思想对我国生态文明建设具有一定的启示意义。  相似文献   

8.
直面生态危机   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2005年的中国将面对—个什么样的生态环境?北方的沙漠化、长江流域、南水北调、甚至整个南方水域的尴尬污染、青藏高原的生态恶化、东北的黑土流失、近海污染等等问题.是否也将勾画出来年中国的另一面?最近几年生态危机突出,而人们并没有找到有效的治理方式。从生态危机到生态危害不是一步的距离,因为生态危害永远是生态危机的忠实伴侣。除了从“人定胜天”到“天人合一”的艰难转变之路外,世人再有无选择?粗放的经济发展模式让人们从改造自然的梦境中逐渐清醒。发展是必然的,自然更是无情物。世界在工业文明的诱导中撇弃了“生态文明”,在单方的辉煌中一步步陷人生态危机的泥沼。中国也未能例外,尤其是经济发展速度如此迅速的今天,牺牲生态环境似乎不可避免地成了发展的代价。2005中国生态危机并没有哗众取宠、引人争执之意,它将是所有中国人在即将来到的这一年无法回避的挑战。人们所关心的是,这场危机会以什么方式爆发出来?我们又将如何解决?  相似文献   

9.
奥康纳和克沃尔是20世纪90年代后西方生态马克思主义的重要代表人物。他们在继承和发展马克思主义基本经济理论和生态思想的基础上,对资本主义生态危机的发生原因、发展过程和解决措施提出了有创见性的思想主张。通过对“第二重矛盾论”与“交换价值至上论”、“新陈代谢断裂论”与“能源危机论”、“改良型生态社会主义”与“革命型生态社会...  相似文献   

10.
面对全球气候变暖、生态环境恶化的现实,国际社会主流应对危机的思路之一,就是要充分发挥市场机制的作用,通过把环境破坏成本纳入市场以及碳排放贸易来解决问题。福斯特将这种主张称为"市场拜物教",指出"市场拜物教"归根到底是要在不改变资本主义制度的前提下解决生态危机,而这是根本不可能的。福斯特对"市场拜物教"的批判对市场经济发展尚处于早期阶段的中国来说具有特殊意义,他启示我们要不断地创新观念和体制机制,不断地在利用市场的正面作用和限制其负面影响上寻找平衡点,不断探索使经济活动适应环境规律,使社会尽快走上经济与生态和谐的可持续发展之路。  相似文献   

11.
12.
Abstract

Welfare reform is unfinished business. Contrary to proclamations of its resounding success, an examination of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996 using an ecological perspective shows unequal outcomes. Some individuals and localities are faring better than others because of different ecosystems. Over reliance on reduced rolls as an indicator of success fails to capture the experiences of individuals who are differentially impacted by the redesigned welfare program. An ecological perspective avoids this flaw and offers a way to compile evidence that includes the views of multiple stakeholders. It looks behind the numbers to see how people are being affected by the nation's work first philosophy. Most importantly, an ecological perspective provides a framework for policy makers to examine the population that is being labeled as “hard to serve” and reframes the dialogue from personal pathology to a holistic approach that places equal weight on a person‐in‐environment fit in moving an individual from welfare to work. It introduces a new bottom line for effective public policy.  相似文献   

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14.
A recent increase in terrorist actions where the terrorist's death is planned and intentional has raised interest in the psychological functioning, motivation, and reasoning of those who engage in terrorism and those who support it. No consensus exists among Western 1 1. That is, American or European. psychologists regarding terrorists who plan to die in their attack, and no Western psychological perspective has thus far contributed substantively to explaining or predicting it. Although most agree that groups engaging in such actions typically have a wider network of support, the psychology of supporters is also unexplained. This article proposes a developmental psychological model of the conditions that favor focused terrorist actions that have publicly discernible goals ascribed to a political or religious cause. The article describes a common pattern of cognitive complexity among terrorist leaders, using Osama bin Laden as a model, where entrenched cognitive simplicity in one key ideological domain (religious or political) is coupled with behavior reflecting the capacity for far greater complexity in other domains (organizational skills, planning, problem-solving.) This pattern, in specifiable historical and ecological context, makes terrorist tactics, including those in which the attacker intentionally dies, more likely, and increases the challenges associated with attempts at diplomacy or negotiated peace.  相似文献   

15.
16.
This paper reviews factors at the individual, microsystem, meso/exosystem, and macrosystem levels that contribute to sexual revictimization among college women. Potential implications for reducing sexual revictimization on campuses via multilevel targeting of interventions is then discussed. This review reveals that despite a need for additional work examining the influence of multiple interacting factors contributing to revictimization, extant work offers insights as to how colleges can develop comprehensive programs to reduce sexual revictimization. Such programming would not only improve institutional responses to sexual violence, but also serve as a model for reducing general cultural acceptance of the perpetration of sexual assault.  相似文献   

17.
In this study of energy and environmental governance in four Nordic countries, we aim to shed further light on the question of organization of political governance under transition to ecological modernization. Our findings are that, in spite of a number of similarities, the Nordic countries seem to be pursuing programmes of ecological modernization under rather different regimes of political governance. However, we do not find the diversity of national energy-environmental governance regimes by reference to national policy-making styles. Instead, our analysis indicates that a more plausible explanation of the variety may lie in differences in their industrial and resource-based structure. Given diverse industrial structures, similar policy measures may have very different effects on national economies, and hence, motivate distinct governance measures. The paper concludes that a lock into a standardized ‘first-best’ mode of environmental governance may prove detrimental to environmental modernization in practice, since it might expose economies to unacceptable consequences and then to a fallback to traditional industrial strategies.  相似文献   

18.
In this study of energy and environmental governance in four Nordic countries, we aim to shed further light on the question of organization of political governance under transition to ecological modernization. Our findings are that, in spite of a number of similarities, the Nordic countries seem to be pursuing programmes of ecological modernization under rather different regimes of political governance. However, we do not find the diversity of national energy-environmental governance regimes by reference to national policy-making styles. Instead, our analysis indicates that a more plausible explanation of the variety may lie in differences in their industrial and resource-based structure. Given diverse industrial structures, similar policy measures may have very different effects on national economies, and hence, motivate distinct governance measures. The paper concludes that a lock into a standardized 'first-best' mode of environmental governance may prove detrimental to environmental modernization in practice, since it might expose economies to unacceptable consequences and then to a fallback to traditional industrial strategies.  相似文献   

19.
生态合作治理是“一带一路”倡议的题中应有之义,是沿线国家为应对复杂生态环境问题而采取的跨区域协同共治机制。当前,“一带一路”生态合作治理在自然灾害和生态风险应对、基础设施与清洁能源绿色合作、合作机制建设与对话交流、合作规划和参与指引建设、技术转让合作等方面取得了一定成效,为促进“一带一路”国际合作注入了新动力。同时,也面临着大国博弈导致治理碎片化、各国发展现实差异与理念偏差、本国利益保护偏好、国际合作平台机制欠缺等问题。因此,需要从政府和民间两个层面加强生态文明理念的宣传引导,讲好中国故事;加强对外的生态治理合作交流平台与机制和对内的政府与企业约束引导机制的建设,担起中国责任。  相似文献   

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