茶都相关链接

闲话茶趣之<茶人三部曲> 　　生于浙江平湖的杭州作家王旭烽,以她反映中国茶文化的经典之作<茶人三部曲>中的第一部曲<南方有嘉木>和第二部曲<不夜之侯>摘取了中国文坛长篇小说的最高奖项--茅盾奖.其中<南方有嘉木>改编成电视连续剧后,得到一致好评. 　　……     

《茶馆》在台湾——从接受美学的角度看台湾观众对《茶馆》的客观接受

2004年7月,北京人艺于1999年第三次复排的新版<茶馆>登上了台湾的戏剧舞台,为两岸表演艺术界再创盛事.老舍及其作品在台湾一直备受关注,作为老舍后期创作中最为成功的,也是当代中国话剧舞台上最优秀的经典剧目之一的<茶馆>,引起了台湾文化界的强烈共鸣和深层接受,观众被吸纳在"笑"、"讽刺"和"诙谐"的戏剧情境之中,其本身的艺术语言和舞台美学创设出新的读者剧场.     

日本殖民侵略的自供、掩饰和美化——日据后期在台日本作家长篇小说析论

西川满的<台湾纵贯铁道>、滨田隼雄的<南方移民村>和庄司总一的<陈夫人>被视为日据末期在台日人作家的长篇小说代表作.<纵贯铁>宣扬北白川宫率军征服台的"功绩",史载台湾军民的殊死抵抗被写成"土匪"式骚扰,而日军的屠城式大规模烧杀行径则被淡化或合理化.<移民村>宣扬日本人的毅力、信念、真诚品行和科学精神,赋予日本对台湾的"移民"(殖民)以正当性.<陈夫人>具有人性的深度开掘和对台湾庶民生活细节的细腻描写,甚至写出了现代性、本土性和殖民性的复杂纠葛,但仍带有殖民文学的明显印痕对中国(台湾)文化的"误读"以及宣扬日本人带给台湾"现代化"的理念.它们不同程度地都是日本对台殖民侵略的自供、掩饰和美化.     

汉代西南夷之"夷"的语境及变化

本文通过对史料的梳理和分析比照,发现西南夷之"夷"这一概念在<史记>中的含义与语境同<后汉书>、<华阳国志>两书存在明显差异.在<史记>的语境中,"夷"是对西南各部落人群的一个泛称,而在<后汉书>和<华阳国志>中"夷"则演成一个明确的族属类别称谓.本文就造此变化的原因及所涉及的相关问题作了讨论,指出<后汉书>和<华阳国志>中"夷"作为与"氐"、"羌"、"越"相并列的族属类别称谓出现之事实,对我们进一步认识"西南夷"部落人群之族系面貌有重要意义,值得引起高度重视.     

野间宏文学创作解析

野间宏是日本现代著名作家,是"战后派"文学的开拓者和旗手.他创作的<阴暗的画>、<脸上的红月亮>、<真空地带>等一系列作品从人道主义出发,揭露了日本军队的反动本质,体现了对人性的深刻追问.野间宏的文学创作手法和创作追求为日本战后文学的发展奠定了基础.     

《论语》中的“君子”

中国素有"半部<论语>治天下"之说.<论语>作为儒家之经典,其含蕴是相当丰富的.<论语>中反复出现的"君子",实际上是孔子心目中理想人格的一种典范.先秦诸子各家都有自己的理想人格观,"圣人"是儒家理想人格的最高者,"君子"乃上乘人格,被孔子视为达圣的必经阶段.     

陶保玺与他的《合湾新诗十家论》--兼评《台湾新诗十家论》

&lt;台湾新诗十家论&gt;是陶保玺以台湾新诗创作中成就最高、影响最大的十大代表人物为研究对象所作的诗论专集.……     

道德形而上学:康德哲学体系的核心

至今为止,对康德"三大批判"之间关系的解释并不能令人满意.实际上,对康德的道德形而上学可以作"道德的形而上学"与"道德形而上学"两个不同层次的理解.后者才是康德所真正关心的"未来的"作为"科学的"形而上学".<纯粹理性批判>等书是为"道德形而上学"作导论,<实践理性批判>等书是康德以"伦理学"的形式提出并论证了"道德形而上学",<实践理性批判>的"至善论"和<判断力批判>是康德所"信仰"和"目的论"的形式大致完成了"道德形而上学".康德的"三大批判"的整个哲学体系的核心是"道德形而上学".     

诗性文论之“变”——论《文心雕龙》《原诗》在传统文论体系中的特异性

在中国古代文论的诗性传统中,<文心雕龙>和<原诗>表现的理论系统性和理性精神可谓特立独出.它们体现出来的"异",以及"变异"的内在原因是值得深入探求的问题,从其理性精神的源头和"以论论文"的角度或许可以寻找出这两部文论专著产生"变异"的内在原因.     

《助字辨略》对"助字"的认识

本文回顾了<助字辨略>以前对虚字的研究历史,并从<助字辨略>的收词范围和<助字辨略>对"助字"的理论阐述具体分析中,归纳总结了<助字辨略>的虚词观.<助字辨略>的"助字"涵盖了现在的副词、代词、介词、连词、助词、叹词等词类,其虚实区分的标准是"为义"不为义".这是对前人词类理论的继承与发展.从正面说,"助字"就是表示"语气与关系"的词.     

Hong Kong's policy possibilities and directions toward the mainland‐Taiwan conflict

On 1 July 1997, Hong Kong was returned from British colonial rule to Chinese rule under the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The change in political status of Hong Kong has great impacts on the triangular relationship between Hong Kong, the mainland and Taiwan, in which the mainland and Taiwan are still in a state of intense political conflict and competition. This paper examines the policy possibilities and directions for Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region of the PRC in handling its relations with Taiwan. It argues that both Beijing and Taipei want to preserve the existing Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations for political and practical purposes but at the same time will try to avoid being forced into a suspected political trap—for Beijing the recognition of Taiwan as an independent political entity and for Taipei the subordination of Taiwan to PRC sovereignty. Between these two baselines, the paper points out that Hong Kong should pursues its own Taiwan policy built upon the interests of Hong Kong and depoliticization of Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations.     

‘Three Chinas’ and international organizations after 1997

This article analyzes the effects of the transfer of Hong Kong's sovereignty to China in 1997 on the participation of Hong Kong and Taiwan in international organizations. It identifies the conditions under which China tolerates co‐existence with Taiwan as members of eleven intergovernmental organizations as of 1996. It concludes with two observations: one, international organizations are not monolithic entities; two, although China has overwhelming influence over Hong Kong's participation in these organizations, it depends also on how the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government is going to manage its relations with China.     

浅谈港澳台和海外统战工作的整体化推进

港澳台和海外统战工作是国家统一战线工作中的重要组成部分,是国家统一战线工作大系统中的四个重要子系统。整体化推进港澳台和海外统战工作,可以实现港澳台和海外统战工作效果最大化。应树立港澳台和海外统战工作的全局整体化推进理念,加强国家各级统战工作部门及港澳台和海外统战工作的整体化建构。     

One Formula,Two Experiences: political divergence of Hong Kong and Macao since retrocession

Since the return of Hong Kong's sovereignty to the People's Republic of China, the territory's political development has diverged from that of Macao. The poverty of leadership, state–society confrontations, deinstitutionalization and Beijing's explicit intervention have marked Hong Kong's political development from 1997 to 2004. Since April 2004, the Hong Kong governing style has converged with that of Macao in terms of its pragmatism. Although Macao's political development is characterized by leadership finesse, state–society partnership and institutionalization, its relatively weak civil society and lack of democratic reforms are by no means an attractive ‘one country, two systems’ model to Taiwan; nor does Hong Kong's ‘one country, two systems’ appeal to the Republic of China. Yet, the political corruption and chaos that punctuate Taiwan's democracy have failed to have any positive demonstration effect on Hong Kong and Macao. While the models of Hong Kong and Macao are bound to diverge from that of Taiwan, political development in the two Chinese Special Administrative Regions is gradually converging.     

试论妨害出入边境管理犯罪及其防治

妨害出入边境管理犯罪 ,危害国家正常的出入边境管理秩序 ,属于跨境犯罪。它不但对我国内地造成危害 ,而且也祸及港、澳、台地区 ,甚至给国际社会带来一定后果。此类犯罪产生的原因具有多样性和复杂性 ,应从宣传教育、严厉打击、海防控制、严格出入边境检查、加强队伍建设、规范出入边境中介活动、加强内地与港澳台的区际合作等方面着手 ,有效地加以防范和治理     

两制与两岸架构下的澳台区际关系

内地、香港、澳门、台湾都是中国的组成部分,但香港、澳门是中国＂一国两制＂框架中的特别行政区,台湾则是中国主权统一、治权分离架构下的特殊地区,澳台关系既有＂一国两制＂之主权统一、高度自治的成份,又有主权统一、治权分离内涵。澳台关系因为澳门被殖民统治、台湾被日本殖民统治、中国内战及主体资格的改变、澳门主权回归中国而分为多个阶段。澳门回归后的澳台关系,既属于一个国家内的＂两区＂关系,但又因治权自立而呈现＂两境（治权境界）关系＂。     

“一国两制”的内涵及其发展

"一国两制"是我党本着实事求是的基本路线,制定的实现祖国统一的基本方针,它具有四个基本内涵。"一国两制"成功解决了香港和澳门问题后,在解决台湾问题上,随着形势的变化而产生的五个方面的发展,这些发展体现了实事求是、与时俱进的马克思主义理论品质。     

谈香港警务情报工作的发展

香港警察迄今已有164年的历史,主要的职责是维持香港成为世界上最安全及稳定的地区之一。香港警察的工作效率及专业表现一直备受市民推许,并且在履行国际警务责任方面也同样享誉世界。历史上香港情报部门的职能主要是反恐怖活动、反间谍及搜集有关国家驻港机构和有组织犯罪社团的情报资料等。现在香港警方的刑事情报机构是各级警务部门的"神经中枢",统筹和指导各总区、警区开展情报工作。     

Emergence of the Greater China Circle Economies: Cooperation versus competition

The integration of the so-called greater China economies among Mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong is one part of the global trend of regionalism. The significance of integration in terms of foreign trade and foreign direct investment demonstrates not only rapid growth but also diversity, ever since Mainland China pursued her open door policy of economic reform in 1979. For instance, the combined volume of Hong Kong and Taiwan accounted for as much as 74.1% of Mainland China's capital utilization in 1993, which in turn contributed to the rapid economic growth of Mainland China over the last two decades. The membership of Mainland China and Taiwan to the WTO, as expected by the end of 2001, will facilitate a more official arrangement of intergovernmental coordination within these Triangle Economies. However, the government of Taiwan will continue to evaluate the cross-strait relations in the context of the nation's overall political and economic security as long as the government of Mainland China does not renounce the use of military force against Taiwan.     

A “greater China“?

This paper sees “Greater China” as a would‐be reunited China that includes the present PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao. The coming into being of a “Greater China” hinges on future domestic politics in the PRC and Taiwan and among the triangle of Beijing‐Taipei‐Hong Kong. It also hinges on American, British, and Japanese policies addressing the current trends of economic integration and political accommodation among the three Chinese entities. Of the external variables, future U.S. politics toward the PRC, and toward the evolution of political exchanges on the Beijing‐Taipei trajectory will be the most decisive. Economic and political developments in the past fifteen years have brightened the prospect of Chinese reunification, but national reunification remains a complicated and protracted process.