中国梦视角下的多党合作制度建设

中国梦”思想的提出为中国共产党党带领人民开创未来努力奋斗指明了前进方向，是当今中国的高昂旋律和精神旗帜。本文阐述了中国梦的基本内涵，分析了各民主党派在实现中国梦中的责任和义务，研究了我国多党合作制度是推进实现中国梦进程中的一支特殊的中国力量，探讨其在中国梦视角下，充分发挥参政议政的独特作用，为实现中国梦贡献智慧和力量。     

身份理论视域下他者对“中国模式”的学术话语体系建构

中国模式正在成为后冷战时期西方定义中国身份的一个重要话语,以西方对"中国模式"进行研究为代表的"中国模式学术话语"是这一身份建构过程中的关键性环节。西方学术界试图从经济、政治、文化、社会和历史等维度建立中国模式与中国身份之间的关联,以简单而又有明确内涵的"西方中国模式"为中国定义身份。西方"中国模式"学术话语体系的形成及扩散在一定程度上影响了中国的认知图式和身份认同叙事。为此,我们有必要从构建中国的自我身份、解构西方叙事、提升解读中国道路的话语权等方面努力,不断增强中国道路或中国模式的正当性阐释,在更高的层面上实现自我认同、自我批判与自我超越。     

“中国梦”的哲学解读

"中国梦"是基于我国发展现状和未来发展目标而提出的一种新理念,有着深厚的哲学意蕴。换言之,马克思主义哲学对"中国梦"的解读具有深层的合理性和广泛的解释力。改造世界是"中国梦"的出场路径;社会有机体是"中国梦"的现实图景;自由全面发展是"中国梦"的本真意义;人民群众是"中国梦"的主体力量;实践创新是"中国梦"的实现路径。     

关于台湾问题的几点思考

解决台湾问题、实现祖国的完全统一 ,关系到中华民族的前途命运。在追求祖国完全统一的过程中 ,中国政府和人民无论何时何地都必须坚定不移地坚持一个中国原则 ;努力追求祖国的和平统一 ;对阻碍中国统一的国际势力要有清醒认识 ;同时要努力发展经济 ,不断增强军事实力 ,这是和平统一祖国的根本保证     

论文化自觉与马克思主义中国化的推进

从文化角度来说,马克思主义中国化是指马克思主义与中国传统文化的有机结合,形成具有中国特色的马克思主义文化世界;从过程来看,马克思主义中国化实际上是中国共产党积极推进文化自觉的过程。90年来中国共产党在推进文化自觉的进程中,先后创立了毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论体系两大理论成果。文化自觉对于我们当代推进马克思主义中国化有着重要启示和方法论意义。     

服务科学发展 践行留学报国

我国留学人员具有留学报国的光荣传统,改革开放三十多年来,已有近40万留学人员学成归国,为推动中国经济社会发展和科学技术进步作出了突出贡献.由欧美同学会·中国留学人员联谊会和中华文化学院共同主办的"21世纪中国:海外留学人员服务祖国科学发展"研讨会,主要探讨海外留学人员服务祖国科学发展这一议题.在新的历史条件下,海外留学人员服务科学发展、践行留学报国的光荣传统,更需要发扬光大.     

The dragon as demon: images of China on Capitol Hill

In congressional debate on China‐related issues, alliances of partisans of single issues of high symbolic significance to some Americans insist vocally on strongly negative views of China that often caricature a complex society and foster unconstructive moralizing rather than analysis of the problems that they address. By demonizing China they obstruct the formulation and maintenance of a coherent American policy toward China and weaken Congress' contribution to making US policy. Members of Congress who favor engagement and look to a future in which they hope economic and political reform will grow in a China benefited by trade, foreign investment, and a peaceful international environment cannot display the moral certainty affected in congressional debates by the most outspoken critics. A variety of reasons underlie the demonizing of China in Congress, including some ignorance (willful or not) and reliance on lobbyists and poorly informed staff. Distorted images deform the contribution that Congress makes to the formulation of US China policy and cloud the perceptions of China held by some members and, derivatively, by many of their constituents among the American people.     

FROM HUMBLE BEGINNINGS COMES GREATNESS

The story of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 1921 is one of humble beginnings, when China was in shambles, dominated by foreigners, semi-feudalist, impoverished and run by corrupt warlords. Meeting in a traditional shikumen house in Shanghai, 13 men dedicated to the purpose of carrying out a Marxist-Leninist revolution designed to end imperialism within China and bring about both modernity and prosperity to the Chinese people, would change the course of China and the world forever. They believed that China had to change and that the Party was the instrument to achieve that change.     

China: A responsible great power

If China can maintain the trend of its economic development, by the middle of the twenty-first century China will be among the great powers in the world. Whether China can become a responsible great power or not will depend on both internal and external factors. During recent years, China has been making big progress in integrating itself into international economic and political mechanisms. This paper argues that the more closely China integrates itself into international economic and political mechanisms, the more willing it will be to play a responsible role in the international community. It also argues that there are some conditions necessary to make China a responsible great power. In particular, China needs to be confident about the international security environment and international mechanisms; other countries should help China to participate in international mechanisms; the strategic balance in the Asia‐Pacific region should be established and maintained; and the Taiwan issue should be dealt with properly.     

“中国梦”引领下我国外交政策走向分析

从一个国际视角来看,“中国梦”与世界的和平发展有着密切联系.“中国梦”的提出不仅对中华民族的复兴和中国的外交事业发展有着重大的指导意义,而且对推动世界和平发展产生重大影响,其实现也离不开一个有利的国际环境.当前,“中国梦”的实现正处于重要战略机遇期,国际环境中既有诸多挑战,也存在很多机遇.为此,中国未来的外交事业应当顺应世界潮流,结合自身现实,积极调整规划战略,为“中国梦”的实现打造一个有利的国际环境.     

Critical Lessons in Paternalism

正The renowned American philosopher and scholar John Dewey completed a two-year sojourn to China a century ago, a critical turning point in his life at a time when China, too, stood at a crossroads. Dewey entered China in 1919, the year of the transformative May Fourth Movement, and left in 1921, coincidentally the year the Communist Party of China was founded.     

中国梦的实现路径分析

实现中国梦的关键是需要处理好“行政和自治”之间的关系.总结近现代以来中国的历史经验,中国梦的实现关键在于中国共产党的科学领导.中国共产党能够不断推动中国梦的实现进程,取得成绩的原因是其对以民为本的官僚政策治理型同心圆式的权力结构进行了有效的改革,一定程度上破解了近现代以来中国所面临的“行政与自治”关系平衡问题.破解当前中国所面临的一系列社会问题,进一步推动中国梦的实现,仍然需要处理好“行政和自治”之间的关系,从破解行政压倒自治、自治行政化和形式化问题着手.     

碎片化的女性新闻:对《中国妇女报》的内容分析(1990-2002)

本研究以1990-2002年《中国妇女报》为研究对象,考察它所再现的女性新闻的变迁趋势。本文区分了关于女性新闻的不同定义,从不同角度对《中国妇女报》的报道进行内容分析,发现当下中国女性新闻呈现出一种碎片化的再现方式,本文进而总结了“碎片化”一词所包括的6个方面的特征。文章最后指出,碎片化折射了当下中国社会转型和媒体转型的进程,是转型新闻界的普遍特征之一。     

关于加快西部地区经济发展的对策思考

尽管在国家实施西部大开发战略后西部地区经济发展取得了十分突出的成就,但西部地区经济发展水平仍然比较落后,西部地区人均经济总量与全国的平均水平仍然在拉大。在分析制约西部地区经济发展的主要因素后,从理论上阐述了加快西部地区经济发展的可能性,从实践上总结了加快欠发达地区经济发展的经验,提出了加快西部地区经济发展的对策。     

Hedging and Geostrategic Balance of East Asian Countries toward China

While most East Asian countries have opted for a hedge strategy to preserve a maximum range of strategic options in response to the rise of China, some countries have engaged in geostrategic balance through collective bargaining and strategic alignments with the US and with each other. The divergent threat perceptions and complicated historical animosities among East Asian countries, however, have set a limitation on the geostrategic balance. Therefore, to bandwagon with China could be a realistic choice for many countries. Historically, the most successful rising powers have been those which attracted the greatest number of bandwagoners. China cannot rise successfully without winning the support of its Asian neighbors. The long term peace and stability in the region, therefore, depends not only on whether China’s neighbors can work together to balance China but also whether China can balance its relationships in its own backyard so that its neighbors find bandwagoning a positive choice.     

Establishing Confucius Institutes: a tool for promoting China’s soft power?

Soft power has become China’s new diplomatic tool to spread its influence in today’s changing international landscape. The establishment of Confucius Institutes (CIs) since 2004 to promote the understanding of Chinese language and culture is a striking example of how the government promotes soft power through cultural means. Through the macro- and micro-level analysis of CIs, this study shows that CIs fail to increase the soft power of China because many countries regard CIs as a propaganda tool and a threat to academic freedom and the local community. It shows that China’s soft power is not so attractive in the eyes of receivers. In fact, China’s aggressive cultural initiatives through the establishment of CIs have triggered another version of the ‘China threat’.     

Why China has been successful in attracting foreign direct investment: A transaction cost approach

An important factor that has contributed significantly to China's economic growth over the past two decades has been the dramatic increase of foreign direct investment in China. Based on the observation that overseas Chinese have been the dominant supplier of foreign direct investment in China, this paper employs the transaction cost approach to provide an explanation as to why China has been successful in attracting foreign direct investment. It first describes and analyzes the economic ‘institution’ in China. Then it shows that overseas Chinese have a competitive advantage in investing in China because they have the experience and knowledge of operating their business in an ‘institution’ that is similar to the ‘institution’ in China. Finally, the paper argues that some policies in China, such as the flexible contractual forms (particularly joint ventures) and the establishment of special economic zones, further reduce the transaction cost of doing business in China and contributed to attracting foreign direct investment.     

About Face—the relational dimension in Chinese IR discourse

The preservation of face is an important concept in Chinese behavioral patterns, both at individual and national levels. Beyond national interest considerations, modern-day diplomacy between China and the world also involves substantially the exchange of face. This article will argue that face represents a relational understanding of how China views and interacts with the world. By linking face to three themes that international relations scholars frequently use in describing how China sees the world, namely, the tribute system, the Chinese memory of historical humiliation and China’s distrust of the American-led international system, the article hopes to show how the understanding of face—as a crucial element of Chinese identity—can inform scholars and practitioners in their attempts to engage China.     

大众化的追求与精英化的倾向——马克思主义中国化研究中的意识形态问题

马克思主义中国化研究很难摆脱精英化的倾向。马克思主义的本性决定了马克思主义中国化研究必须坚持大众化的意识形态,把自身看成马克思主义的大众实践的一部分。马克思主义中国化研究者只有正确认识马克思主义中国化中精英化与大众化的关系,才能破解其大众化追求中的意识形态困境,坚持大众化的方向。     

论马克思主义中国化的新进展

马克思主义传入中国与中国革命、建设和改革实践相结合,便开始了中国化进程.马克思主义中国化可分为政治层面的中国化和学术层面的中国化两方面.在当代中国,政治层面的马克思主义中国化与学术层面的马克思主义中国化相辅相成、相映成辉,共同开辟了中国特色社会主义新道路.