孟高棉语民族的起源与东南亚现代孟高棉语诸民族的形成

孟高棉语民族是操南亚语系语言的诸多民族中的一个大族群，主要分布在东南亚的中南半岛地区，除了中南半岛以外，印度与中国也有一些属于这个群体的民族或他们的支系。关于孟高棉语民族的起源和形成等问题，学术界至今还没有一个统一的看法。根据所掌握的国内外资料，通过对孟高棉语民族的起源与东南亚现代孟高棉语民族的形成等问题的系统梳理，不难发现孟高棉语民族分布地域广泛，且已形成有众多分支的民族集合体。     

缅甸民族生活习俗与民族性格

缅甸是一个多民族的国家,一说全国共50多个民族,一说50多个民族中包括100多个支系。缅族是主体民族,除缅族外的几个较大民族有掸、克钦、钦、克伦、克耶和若开等民族。如按语系分类可分为五大语系,即藏缅语族、壮侗语族、苗瑶语族、孟高棉语族和马来语族。缅甸民族大多属蒙古人种。缅甸人的起源,据多数中缅学者的考究,如中国著名历史学家翦伯赞教授和缅甸著名考古专家吴坡腊先生认为,缅族的祖先来自中国甘肃省洮河一带地区,大约从公元2世纪开始向南迁移,约公元7世纪,经掸邦高原逐步迁入缅甸叫栖一带地区定居下来,后来又逐步流散到缅甸中部平…     

克木人源流考

克木人是东南亚地区一个分布很广的民族,主要分布在老挝、越南、泰国、缅甸等国的山区和丛林地带,人数约四十万。我国云南省西双版纳州的勐腊和景洪两县也有一千七百多克木人。近年来,克木人引起了国内外民族学界的重视,法国、美国、瑞典、苏联、泰国、越南以及我国的一些学者对克木人的语言、风俗习惯、图腾崇拜、婚姻等方面的情况都分别进行了研究。但克木人的族源问题迄今没有定论,有的学者根据语言系属关系提出克木人是孟高棉语族的民族,     

印度东北地区少数民族的原始宗教

印度东北地区位于喜马拉雅山脉南坡,在中国、不丹、孟加拉国和缅甸之间,是一个山脉连绵、森林密茂的楔形地带。现在的印度东北地区,基本上是历史上的阿萨姆地区,目前分设阿萨姆、那加、特里普拉、曼尼普尔、梅加拉亚和米佐拉姆等邦。这个地区以民族众多而著称。多属藏缅语族,还有孟高棉语族和印度雅利安语族等。印度独立前,他们处于历史发展的各个阶段,社会形态、文化传统各具特色。其中,卡西、加洛和那加等族还保留了原始社会残余形态。卡西族长期处于母系社会,他们崇拜女祖先,按母     

泰国鲁阿族和我国佤族社会发展水平的比较

鲁阿族分布在泰国北部靠近缅甸和老挝的边境地区,是泰北九个山地民族之一,1980年约有1.8万人。佤族是我国云南西南边疆地区的一个少数民族,1982年有29.8万人。有人认为鲁阿族和佤族是同一个民族,但目前尚无定论。鲁阿族和佤族的语言都属于南亚语系孟高棉语族。本文拟对这两个民族的社会发展水平进行比较并就正于读者。     

析东南亚民族的形成与分布

东南亚在地理环境、民族成份等方面都是当今世界上最错综复杂的地区之一。通过考古材料，可以清晰地看出这一带各地出土的石器与铜铁器时代的遗物惊人地相似，有着共同的特征。这也反映了东南亚地区的各个民族的居民数千年来对这一复杂环境的适应与变革，在这一地区内迁徙、接触与融合，形成这一地区多元性文化的最初历程。     

中国神话传说在东南亚的传播

中国与东南亚各国是近邻。自远古开始，中华民族便与东南亚许多民族结下了亲密的族缘关系，并通过各种方式进行了数千年的友好往来。其中，中国的古代神话传说以及后世形成的宗教神话传说和民间神话传说对东南亚的影响，便是这种源远流长的友好关系的见证。一概括地说，中国对东南亚神话传说的影响主要通过三个途径，即民族迁徙、文化交流和宗教传播。据有关专家考证，大约在新石器时期，中国南方和中南半岛的生产有了长足的发展。生产技术的改进和海上交通工具的更加完善，为远距离的移民创造了必要的条件。大约从５０００年前开始，一批批…     

解开“僑赏弥”之谜——掸傣民族传说中的“僑赏弥”之我见

一些研究中缅掸傣民族历史的学者认为,在掸傣民族的历史上,曾有过一个“僑赏弥国”,并对其具体方位所在和年代进行了一些考证和论述,但看法又莫衷一是。本文也想根据所掌握的资料,对这个问题谈点自己的看法,并希望能有助于掸傣民族的历史乃至中国与东南亚民族关系史的研究。     

东南亚的中国移民及其经济发展

东南亚国家对华人经济的限制一直是过去(往往是成功的)华人经济活动和一些新独立国家的民族主义情绪及其把华族(无论加入其国籍与否)看成异己分子的倾向之间互相对抗的结果。下面的历史评论将摆出与此有关的某些事实。(一)华人不是这个地区的新移民,因而不是真正的外侨。(二)华人同那些从西方来的新移民不一样,从来就没有认真地试图在东南亚建立政治殖民地。长期以来,他们一直在东南亚活动舞台上占据着一定的地位,但主要是在经济方面。华族的定义华族     

全面真实地研究和评价中国东南亚学者队伍

新加坡廖建裕先生的文章《近三十年来研究东南亚的中国学者:一个初探性的研究》根据自己立的标准,选定了45位中国的东南亚学者,并为他们分了代,排了名。在对中国的东南亚学者研究中,廖文为我们竖立了一个标杆,提供了进行个案分析的事例,使我们清理并归纳出研究和评价中国东南亚学者时大家应共同遵循的六条准则,它们是:1)标准的确立及执行的普遍化;2)知识的储备和资料的搜集;3)论及中国的东南亚研究机构切忌顾此失彼,抓大放小;4)涉及中国东南亚研究人员时应理性当家,不为个人感情所累;5)接受检验,经得起检验;6)学术交流的互信与尊重。笔者认为,照这几条准则去做,一个真实的中国东南亚学者队伍的全貌就会显现出来。     

Whom do international donors support in the name of civil society?

International funding of civil society organisations within the framework of support for democratisation processes has increased significantly in recent years. Yet this raises a set of questions quite apart from the effectiveness of the activities of the recipient organisations. Who are these groups? Whom do they represent? What effect does international funding have on their organisational workings and their rootedness in their local societies and political systems? This article presents the results of a survey that examined the sources of financing, level of organisation, domestic constituencies, and relationships to political parties of 16 civil society groups in Latin America that received support from the National Endowment for Democracy in 1999. It finds that while the groups demonstrate a remarkable diversity in their sources of funding, all of them receive the lion's share of financing from international donors. The author argues, however, that given the scant possibilities for domestically generated funding, this dependence is to be expected. The article concludes with a series of questions about the meaning of international support for local groups in developing democracies and the potential effects it may have on de-linking such groups from their broader political and party system.     

Domestic Institutions,Trade Disputes,and the Monitoring and Enforcement of International Law

Why do some governments participate more actively in the enforcement of international law than others? In the context of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/World Trade Organization (WTO), I argue that domestic institutions – and, specifically, the electoral rule – can account for these differences. Interest groups are frequently harmed when foreign governments violate international law and have compliance information, but they lack access to formal enforcement mechanisms, such as dispute settlement bodies. I identify two complementary effects of domestic institutions. Where domestic institutions increase the government’s responsiveness to interest groups, the government is more likely to enforce international law on their behalf. In turn, because they expect that rule violations are more likely to be enforced, interest groups are more willing to contribute to the monitoring of international law. Hence, interest groups are more likely to provide the information necessary for enforcement, and governments are more likely to be aware of rule violations and to provide enforcement. Empirical evidence from the GATT/WTO is consistent with these propositions.     

从社会语言学视角阐释新加坡英语的特点

新加坡是一个多民族多语言的国家，英语是新加坡民族间的主要交际语。新加坡英语具有典型的特点：它是一种独特的英语变体，多种语言接触的产物，多元文化的融合体。本文将从社会语言学视角阐释新加坡英语的上述特点。     

Democracy and the Recasting of Caste in India

The three books under review offer a fascinating account of how the processes of democracy and the practices of the modern Indian state have refashioned caste as an important feature of social stratification and self-definition. But the implication of the recasting of caste varies in the three accounts. According to Zoya Hasan, caste is an important marker of socio-economic backwardness and the policies of affirmative action that are based on this disadvantage should be extended to minorities. For Lucia Michelutti, electoral politics has refashioned caste into ethnic groups. The ethnicization of caste is premised on the horizontal solidarities of fictive kin groups. For Anupama Rao, the politics of dalit emacipation from caste atrocities has paradoxically exposed dalits to further acts of violence. Together, these books offer a compelling account of the formation of political subjects in modern India.     

Candidate-centric systems and the politicization of ethnicity: evidence from Indonesia

When and why do electoral candidates politicize ethnicity? From the literature, we might expect this behaviour to occur during democratic transitions or under proportional rules. However, empirical support for these arguments is mixed. This article presents a new approach, arguing that candidate-centric rules offer candidates incentives to politicize ethnicity. The argument is tested in Indonesia with empirical evidence drawn from coding newspaper reports on campaign events, endorsements and group appeals. Indonesia used party-centric rules from 1997 to 2004, and even though the country democratized during this period, the politicization of ethnicity actually declined. I show how party-centric rules, coupled with a national economic crisis, encouraged candidates to campaign on broad national platforms of reform and development, thereby appealing to the poor rather than to ethnic groups. Between 2004 and 2009, the system became more candidate-centric and the politicization of ethnicity increased. I argue that changes in the system freed candidates from national party platforms and motivated them to campaign on their local connections with ethnic groups. This study is particularly pertinent amidst the push for direct candidate-centric elections in the developing world and the lack of literature on how such rules could affect ethnic politics.     

壮泰族群的分化与现代傣泰诸民族的形成

随着学术界研究的不断深入,壮泰同源说已经被越来越多的学者所接受。但是,这两个群体是在什么时候开始分开的？分开以后,他们特别是今天操傣泰语的这些群体又是在什么时候迁徙到他们的后裔今天居住的这些地区的？又是怎样演变成为今天我们所见到的这些民族群体的？对这些问题,目前学术界还没有更多的人进行系统的研究。本文在自己前期研究的基础上,对这个问题谈一点简单的看法。     

“Any press is good press?” Rebel political wings,media freedom,and terrorism in civil wars

As part of a recent effort to bridge the studies of terrorism and civil war, new research has begun to emerge on the use of terrorism by rebel groups as a strategy of war. Building on these findings, we examine the role of affiliated political wings in shaping the use of terrorism by rebel groups during civil wars. We contend that the presence of an affiliated political wing during the civil war should increase the use of terrorism by rebel groups only in countries where there are relatively few restrictions on the freedom of the press. As political wings are often designed to engage with the civilian population through the dissemination of information, these apparatuses are in a key position to frame the use of terrorism as part of the rebel’s broader war effort. To test this proposition, we examine the use of terrorism by all rebel groups from 1970 to 2011. The results from the analysis provide strong support for our argument that political wings increase the use of terrorism by rebel groups only when the press is allowed to independently cover terrorist attacks.     

Creating a counterhegemonic praxis: Jewish-Israeli activists and the challenge to Zionism

Despite over 20 years of peace process, Israel’s occupation, colonisation and repression continue, and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is proceeding apace. In this context, re-conceptualisations of the conflict and alternative visions of the future will take on increased urgency—both in Israel and Palestine. This article therefore focuses on two activist groups in Israel—Zochrot and Boycott from Within—engaged in provoking a confrontation with the hegemonic narrative of Zionism through a praxis of ‘re-framing’, ‘counter-branding’, solidarity and direct action. Theoretically, the research is placed within debates regarding hegemony and counterhegemony, and how activists develop praxis. Empirically, it is based on in-depth interviews with activists from these groups, analyses of their writings, observations of their social media activities and attendance at their events over a two-year period.     

Terrorists going transnational: rethinking the role of states in the case of AQIM and Boko Haram

This study moves beyond theories emphasising “state failure” as the cause for terrorist “spill-over”. The aim is to offer new theoretical and empirical considerations concerning the determinants of terrorist groups’ geographical strategies. The main argument this article presents is that transnationality for nationalistic terrorist organisations can be costly. This is the case due to the mobility, social and strategic costs of operating beyond controlled territories. Hence, the article proposes an interpretation of these decisions as being mainly generated by states’ counterterrorism strategies. Using data gathered from the GTD Dataset and secondary sources such as specialised reports and strategic documents, the article explores the argument by presenting observations and empirical findings on two groups, AQIM and Boko Haram.     

Interstate Relations,Perceptions, and Power Balance: Explaining China’s Policies Toward Ethnic Groups, 1949–1965

Why do multi-ethnic states treat various ethnic groups differently? How do ethnic groups respond to these state policies? We argue that interstate relations and ethnic group perceptions about the relative strength of competing states are important—but neglected—factors in accounting for the variation in state-ethnic group relations. In particular, whether an ethnic group is perceived as having an external patron matters a great deal for the host state's treatment of the group. If the external patron of the ethnic group is an enemy of the host state, then repression is likely. If it is an ally, then accommodation ensues. Given the existence of an external patron, an ethnic group's response to a host state's policies depends on the perceptions about the relative strength of the external patron vis-à-vis the host state and whether the support is originating from an enemy or an ally of the host state. We present five configurations and illustrate our theoretical framework on the eighteen largest ethnic groups in China from 1949 to 1965, tracing the Chinese government's policies toward these groups, and examine how each group responded to these various nation-building policies.