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1.
浅析中日经贸合作新机遇   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
近两三年来 ,中日两国和东亚地区发生了和正在发生着一些有利于中日经贸合作发展的积极因素 ,即中日经贸合作迎来了新的发展机遇。如中国加入WTO ;中国将巩固和扩大对日本的出口 ,日本正把对外经贸合作的重点转向中国 ;东亚区域经济合作出现新发展 ;中日两国越来越重视与对方的经贸合作等。虽然也存在着影响中日经贸合作的不利因素 ,但机遇占主导地位 ,两国的经贸合作将有新发展。  相似文献   

2.
当今世界,发展中国家经济快速发展,美国的经济和对外政策正在经历重大挑战,多极化格局已经形成,俄美、中俄等大国关系正在经历调整期,而南奥塞梯战争是世界主要国家力量变化的反映,将对世界格局产生重大影响。在这样的大背景下,中俄两国经贸合作的大环境日益改善,而中国的振兴东北老工业基地与俄开发远东和西伯利亚战略相得益彰,将促进两国及区域经贸合作。但两国在经贸合作中也存在一些问题,这需要两国加强政治互信,以减少合作阻力。  相似文献   

3.
在中俄自由贸易区框架下,随着两国政治和经济关系的逐步加强,双方经贸合作的经济、政治和安全效应将日渐凸显:一方面,中俄双方的商品出口有望扩大,双边贸易额将达到预期目标,中俄双方也将得到实实在在的好处。另一方面,中俄自由贸易区的建立有助于增强中俄之间的政治互信和提高两国在世界事务中的政治影响力,同时有了稳固的经济和政治关系,中俄也可以就地区和国家安全问题进行广泛合作与磋商,从而在解决区域安全和国家安全问题上的立场更加一致,并在合作中使两国经济远离不安全状态。  相似文献   

4.
印度与南非恢复外交关系以来,逐步采取多项措施,推动双边经贸合作的发展。鉴于两国的良好政治关系、较强的经济互补性、悠久的历史文化联系,印南在经贸合作上取得显著的成效。这种经贸合作,体现了两国经济发展较快,贸易结构不同,印度持有贸易逆差等特点。尽管两国在经贸合作中存在贸易条件差异,及相关技术与人才短缺等问题,但双边经贸合作符合两国经济发展战略,对于推动发展中国家之间的经贸合作,具有一定的意义。  相似文献   

5.
一、中俄林业经贸合作政策基础中俄林业经贸合作是两国经贸合作的一个重要组成部分,其实际运行受两国政治、经济关系的影响颇深。20世纪末,中俄两国领导人将两国关系定位于战略协作伙伴关系,将森林工业列入最有潜力的合作领域之一。近年来两国政府一直都不断发布有利于中俄林业合作的政策性条文。与此同时,俄罗斯一些州区的优惠政策也为中俄林业合作提供了便利条件。总之,中俄两国良好的政治关系为两国林业合作提供了宝贵机遇。1.中方在对俄林业合作中表现的积极态度中国是木材需求大国,自实施“天保”工程后,大幅度削减采伐量,年木材缺口达…  相似文献   

6.
中国和埃及于1956年建交以来,在政治、经济、科技、文化等领域均建立了卓有成效的合作关系,成为国家间关系的典范。两国在国际政治领域一贯相互支持,在许多重大国际和地区问题上有着相同或相似的看法。1996年,中埃建交40周年之际,江泽民主席对埃及进行了重要国事访问。1999年4月穆巴拉克总统第七次访华,两国元首共同签署了《中埃关于建立战略合作关系的联合公报》,就建立面向21世纪的战略合作关系达成共识。中埃良好的政治关系有力地推动了经贸关系的发展。40多年来,两国先后签署多项经贸合作协定,经贸合作取得明显成效。近年来两国经贸关系出现新的发展势头,21世纪中埃经贸关系可望获得新的更大发展。  相似文献   

7.
中俄两国政治关系的迅速发展,为两国其他领域的合作提供了良好的条件和基础。国际经济大环境要求中俄两国顺应全球贸易发展趋势,提升中俄经贸合作层次,同时这也符合中俄两国各自的国家经济利益与安全利益。中俄两国经贸合作的互补性将进一步推动中俄经贸合作向前发展,并将其推向战略高度。  相似文献   

8.
中俄均为世界大国和互为最大的邻国,两国良好的政治关系、经济的广泛互补性和得天独厚的地缘优势决定了双方经贸合作的潜力非常巨大、发展前景十分广阔。面对当今不断加速发展的经济全球化和区域经济一体化趋势,在两国经济快速发展和转型的关键时期,充分认识和把握好双边合作中出现的有利形势和机遇,不断提高中俄经贸合作的规模、质量和水平,全面推动两国经贸关系的战略升级,  相似文献   

9.
经过近几年的调整之后,中俄两国的经贸合作规模走出了低位徘徊的局面,出现了不断增长的良好势头,但离两国领导人提出的200亿美元目标差距较大。不过中俄两国的经贸合作要实现跨越式发展拥有诸多有利因素和潜力巨大的优先合作领域。  相似文献   

10.
中俄两国是参与东北亚区域经济合作的重要主体,多年来两国的经贸合作水平不断提高,地区间合作不断向纵深发展。随着中国振兴东北战略与俄罗斯东部大开发战略的提出与实施,两国以往区域合作模式的局限性日益凸现,这必然要求中俄区域合作新模式的出现。  相似文献   

11.
This article argues there is a need for a more nuanced analysis of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir than has been available so far. First, the popular legitimacy of violent groups has little bearing on their operation. Rather, the keys to the intensity of terrorist activity are held by Pakistan's military establishment. Second, the supposedly secular-nationalist movement of the early 1990s was in fact deeply Islamist in character; there has been a greater unity of thought underpinning terrorism than the literature admits. Finally, the article argues, the operation of terrorism needs to be read not simply in the limited context of Jammu and Kashmir, but as part of a larger South Asian crisis of identity.  相似文献   

12.
This paper gives attention to the geopolitics related to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an alternative model of regionalism in theory and practice. Offering a rough periodization of ASEAN in IR theory, it considers interacting theoretical and empirical developments, and their geopolitics as one way to think about, first, ASEAN, its defining dynamics and processes of change, and, second, ASEAN's relationship to a larger IR theory literature defined by US preoccupations and the institutional trajectory of the European Union. Three periods are considered: a Cold War period, when ASEAN norms and practices developed relatively insulated from great power expectations and theorizing about ASEAN was minimal; the 1990s, when constructivist theorizing encouraged new thinking about alternative institutional models; and the 2000s, a period characterized by correlating great power pressures and a ‘functional’ turn in academic and theoretical debates about ASEAN. Special attention is given to the United States as a major, leading actor in both world politics and the institutionalization of international relations as a discipline, as well as the possibilities and constraints of institutional divergence in theory and practice.  相似文献   

13.
This article compares the role of religion, and of Islam in particular, in politics in Europe and in South and South East Asia. It starts out with the policy dilemmas facing France, Europe's most secular country that also has Europe's largest immigrant Muslim community. After long debates nation-wide Muslim organisation is now sponsored by the state in order to strengthen moderate Islam in France. In contrast, explicit Christian parties are in decline in most of Europe. Those who are still electorally successful are Christian mostly in name only and have turned into centre-right conservative people's parties instead. Religious discourse in politics has hence vanished almost entirely in Europe. In difference in Asia Islamic opposition parties have managed to set increasingly the political agenda in the majority Islamic states. In those countries with an Islamic minority their public religious agitation serves to strengthen their ethnic minority identity. Meaningful bi-continental dialogue needs to be aware of this discrepancy in religious politics.  相似文献   

14.
Lu: On many occasions, politics and economy are in the same strain. Economic life is the only process that runs through history and undergoes environmental changes. World economy is the only world system. In today's world, the closer ties among various countries in e- conomy cause the complexity of political and foreign affairs. Last year's world economy took on a new feature. According to past experiences, when the economy in a region turns better, problems will usually arise in another regi…  相似文献   

15.
16.
经济继续衰退 改革面临困境——2002年拉美经济形势述评   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
20 0 2年 ,拉丁美洲和加勒比地区 (以下简称拉美地区 )的经济形势可以概括为 :经济继续衰退 ,改革面临困境。根据联合国拉美经济委员会最近发表的年度总结报告 ,拉美地区经济在上年仅增长 0 .4%的基础上 ,2 0 0 2年出现负增长 ( -0 .5% ) ,为最近 2 0年来首次出现负增长。人均国内生产总值 ( GDP)为 -1 .9%。阿根廷、乌拉圭和委内瑞拉的 GDP分别下降 1 1 %、1 0 .5%和 7% ,是衰退最严重的国家 ;秘鲁、多米尼加和厄瓜多尔 3国的增长率超过3 % ,算是拉美地区的佼佼者 ;其他国家的增长率都不到 3 % ,其中巴西和墨西哥两个地区大国分别只增长…  相似文献   

17.
马加力 《和平与发展》2010,(4):6-11,77-80
60年来,中印两国关系走过了一个不平坦的过程,大体上经历了"蜜月"期、冲突期、冷战期、解冻期、回暖期和加热期这样6个阶段。历史的经验教训说明,中印两国合则互利,斗则两伤,这已成为中印双方的共识。人们有理由相信,随着双方政治互信、经贸互惠、文化互通的日益加强,中印两国能够创造出共同繁荣的景象,能够为亚洲乃至世界和平作出重要贡献。  相似文献   

18.
本文主要探讨明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜的传播、影响及其本土化,并与《剪灯新话》在越南的传播进行宏观对比,探讨《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的不同境遇。  相似文献   

19.
Competition among political parties is subject to two demands: representation and effectiveness. This poses a dilemma for democratization, as the political opening creates pressures for the representation of long-suppressed voices, but the strain of socio-economic transformation engenders pressures for greater effectiveness in building market economies and democratic polities. How do new democracies cope with this dilemma? This article extends the author's previously published work on party-system institutionalization by focusing explicitly on this problem, including on how electoral reforms affect the distinct pulls of representation and effectiveness. Based on data from eastern European and former Soviet states compared to western European and Latin American experiences during their initial periods of democratization, the evidence shows that the institutionalization of representation and effectiveness in post-communism is more hazardous. Politics in the post-communist region is characterized by numerous contending parties, weak political actors and floating constituencies. Volatility is not only higher in comparison to other regions but continues unabated during successive elections. These conditions contribute to the ‘ineffective representation’ evident in the relatively large share of wasted votes at each election, with significant sectors of the electorate left out from legislative representation. Electoral reforms reflect the twin pressures: changes in formula in the direction of proportional representation favour broader representation, but higher thresholds seeking greater effectiveness make more difficult entry into parliament. The resulting mechanical and strategic effects confirm the expected direction of the reforms, although the contrary pulls towards representation and effectiveness render difficult the stabilization of party competition.  相似文献   

20.
在21世纪第二个十年,中国与日本在对东南亚基础设施投资方面展开激烈竞争和初步合作.相对而言,在甄选东南亚基础设施项目进行投资过程中,中国更加追求地缘政治目标,日本则凸显了浓重的重商主义色彩,这在某种程度上缓解了双方的直接竞争.在对东南亚基础设施投资中,中国更多地运用了一种政府驱动、需求引导、自上而下的方法,日本则主要采取了市场驱动、私营部门大力参与、自下而上的方法,这瓦解了双方合作的基础.目前,中国与日本对东南亚基础设施投资的合作只在第三方市场少量地展开.中日两国在东南亚基础设施投资方面的竞争是双方争夺地区影响力的一部分.但是,中国与日本在东南亚各国的基础设施投资竞争并不会造成东盟内部的分裂,相反,考虑到基础设施建设的非流动性,这必将造福于东南亚人民.  相似文献   

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