中缅边界划定问题的再考察

1960年中缅两国签订边界条约,结束了长达六十多年的中缅划界问题争论,并为新中国解决与其它周边国家的边界争端提供了良好开端。中缅边界问题最终得以解决,关键在于两国在中缅北段未定界问题上达成了妥协,新中国政府很大程度上放弃了自晚清政府以来对这片地区的领土要求,但这一让步是在历史和现实基础上做出的合理决断,它并不意味着中国政府接受了"麦克马洪线"。中缅边界问题的解决体现出了周恩来的外交思想与风范。     

中缅边界问题的解决:过程与影响

中缅边界问题是新中国成立后解决的第一个边界问题。该问题的解决主要在于中国采取了立足现实的政策,因为中国力图通过边界问题的解决消除其他国家对中国的疑虑、谋求和平的周边环境、反制美国的对华遏制。中缅边界问题的解决将中缅关系推向了高潮,为解决缅甸国民党军问题提供了契机,并给印度造成了一定的压力。     

中塔与中印边界问题比较分析

中国是世界上陆地边界情况最复杂的国家之一。新中国成立以来,中国政府一直高度 关注并致力于解决边界问题。目前,中国已经通过谈判和协商与周边大多数国家妥善解决了边界 问题。2010 年4 月,中国与塔吉克斯坦签署了《中塔勘界议定书》,标志着两国历史遗留的边界问 题得到彻底解决。而同样是历史遗留问题的中印边界问题,在经过多年的谈判之后,仍没有得到最 终解决,并且呈现出问题复杂化的趋势。中国与塔吉克斯坦以及中国与印度之间的边界问题比较 复杂,中塔与中印边界问题既有其共同点,又有其不同的地方,解决中国与周边国家的边界问题是 一项长期的任务。     

试论1954年中印总理、中缅总理的互访

朝鲜战争结束后,美国极力拉拢中国周边的亚洲国家组建针对中国的包围圈,为了应对这一情况,中国提出了建立“国际和平统一战线”的外交战略,1954年中印、中缅两国总理互访就是落实“国际和平统一战线”政策的重大举措。在互访过程中,中印、中缅共同提出了和平共处五项原则,中国领导人着力消除了印度、缅甸在华人华侨、边界问题、亚洲国家共产党以及中美关系等问题上的疑虑和担心,从而促进了中印、中缅两国关系,巩固了亚洲国家的中立倾向,为亚非会议的召开奠定了良好的基础。     

中日对缅经济外交的争夺战(1960-1963)

1960-1963年,中日两国对缅甸开展了具有竞争性质的经济援助。中国国力虽弱,但政治优先,在解决中缅边界问题的同时,经济外交中不考量相关收益,而是尽其所能,极力维持缅甸的中立地位并增进双方友好。而由于日本经济开始崛起,它在美国的要求下承担起以对东南亚各国提供援助的方式阻止共产主义蔓延的责任。然而,对缅经济外交中,日本注重经济利益,锱铢必较,以期借援助分化中缅关系,争取使缅甸倒向西方阵营。从当时的缅甸政局和中缅关系的发展来看,中国的对缅经济外交达到了预期目的,而日本对缅经济外交却未能如愿以偿。中国对缅经济外交的这段历史对当今中国的经济外交或具有某种值得借鉴的价值。     

试析中印边界问题的历史与现状

中印边界问题是历史遗留问题,中印边界从未经过正式划定。英国在印度的殖民统治及其奉行的扩张政策大大增加了中印双方在边界问题上的分歧,为20世纪50-60年代的中印边界争端埋下了隐患。20世纪80年代开始,中印双方就边界问题进行了一系列谈判,为边界问题的最终解决创造了条件。     

从中缅关系看五项原则的强大生命力

1954年6月,在周恩来总理首次访问缅甸期间,中缅两国总理在联合声明中庄严宣布,将和平共处五项原则作为指导中缅关系的原则。50年来,中缅关系除在"文革"期间一度遭受挫折,总的来说实现了长期、全面、稳定的发展,树立了不同社会制度国家和平共处的光辉范例。中缅两国在贯彻和落实和平共处五项原则方面进行了许多重大的探     

中缅跨境安全复合体及其治理

近年来,随着缅甸政府与民族地方武装频发军事冲突,中缅边境安全问题愈发受到人们的关注。中缅两国因经贸往来、基础设施等合作,已在边境地区形成了一种"安全相互依赖"的格局。对中缅边境而言,"安全"不再是一个单维度概念。厘清其"不安全"的扩散机制,需从"安全复合体"角度审视中缅边境。在中缅边境这一"跨境安全复合体"中,军事、政治、社会、经济、环境各安全领域通过各自的发展互动形成了消极的安全外部性,并透过中缅边境向两国扩散了跨境的安全影响。目前,缅甸全国民主联盟虽已开始执政并加速民族和解进程,但尚有民族地方武装尚未签署全国停火协议。当军事、政治冲突难以在短期内解决的情况下,如何有效应对中缅边境在经济、社会及环境方面的安全影响就显得极为重要。中缅边境现存的边境联络官办公室机制,不仅在治理领域整合了经济、社会、环境等多元议题,更取得了不俗的治理效果。随着未来边境安全问题的复杂化,中缅边境亟须治理领域更广、制度框架多边、治理主体多元的治理机制来应对更大的挑战。     

中缅关系70年:"胞波"关系的新陈代谢

2020年1月中国国家主席习近平在访问缅甸前发表了题为《续写千年胞波情谊的崭新篇章》的文章。中缅建交70年来,两国胞波关系经历了不同的历史阶段。在冷战时期,两国从最初的疑惧、冷淡到胞波关系的确立,和平与安全成为中缅关系的共同利益点。冷战结束后,中缅胞波关系的内涵扩展到政治、经贸、援助和安全等领域的全方位合作。21世纪初,缅甸成为中国青睐的重点投资对象和能源通道,给中缅胞波关系注入了新的动力。在21世纪第二个10年里,两国共同推进"一带一路"建设,并将中缅全面战略合作伙伴关系升级为中缅命运共同体,中缅胞波友谊进入了新时代。中缅胞波关系的新陈代谢是两国共同利益基础不断扩展的结果。     

“中印缅孟旅游圈”的区域互动及发展战略分析

经过14年的发展,1999年建立的中印缅孟经济发展论坛已经成为四国之间交流与合作的重要平台,合作领域逐渐拓宽。2008年中国提出建立"中印缅孟大旅游圈",这对推进四国旅游业共同发展具有重要战略意义。2013年"中印缅孟经济走廊"的提出和建设将会进一步推进"中印缅孟旅游圈"的发展。同时,"一带一路"战略给四国旅游业的发展注入新的动力。本文以此为背景,在"中印缅孟旅游圈"发展的区域互动进行简要分析的基础上,从中印缅孟四国旅游资源进行整合、旅游产品开发和协作营销,三个方面提出"中印缅孟旅游圈"的发展战略。     

Authoritarian bargaining in Burma/Myanmar

Despite the political controversy related to the authoritarian bargaining of Burma/Myanmar’s territorial conflicts, it is important to acknowledge the successes and admit the failures of the process of ceasefire negotiation and the national convention process of the Myanmar-government. Regardless of what we think of the Myanmar government, there can still be both good and bad elements in the process. This article will focus, as the general focus of this special issue suggests, on the negotiations between the central government and the ethnic groups on autonomy and territorial solutions in the peripheries of Burma/Myanmar.     

新军人集团执政以来缅甸的经济改革和经济发展（1988—2008）

本文探讨了缅甸近20年来的经济改革和经济发展，认为在缅甸军政府执政的第一个10年（1988—1997）改革力度较大，但1997年东南亚金融危机后的几年中改革一度停滞不前，进入21世纪后才又逐渐恢复推进改革的势头，但制约缅甸改革和发展的一些基本因素仍然存在。尽管改革取得了一些成效，经济社会有所发展，重要农产品、电力生产、石油天然气产量、引进外资、外贸总量、外汇储备总额等都创造了最好的水平或最高记录，但缅甸经济中根深蒂固的结构性失常和宏观经济不平衡尚未得到纠正，缅甸积贫积弱的状况并没有得到改变，仍然是东南亚最为贫困和发展水平最低的国家之一。缅甸经济要走上稳健、快速的发展道路，还有待深化改革，扩大开放，解决宏观经济失常等问题。     

缅甸民主进程下中缅经贸合作分析

本文分析缅甸民主化进程对中国企业的影响。对今后中缅经贸合作提出了针对性的对策,主要有：发挥与缅甸接壤的区位优势、充分利用CAFTA和GMS的机制优势和缅甸皎漂港到我国瑞丽的通道优势、利用FTA原产地规则双向运作、加大本地化经营力度、做好公益事业、提高风险防范意识、积极利用新产生的机遇加强与缅甸的经贸合作等。     

难民问题治理上的各相关行为体分析——对缅甸罗兴伽难民的个案研究

本文分析在孟加拉国的缅甸罗兴伽(Rohingya)难民问题的形成,以及在难民保护、援助和难民问题治理过程中各个国家、国际组织、地区组织、国际非政府组织等各相关行为体的角色和作用,并通过进一步探讨认为,罗兴伽难民问题需要东盟组织通过创建新的地区难民问题治理机制来解决。     

对第三欧亚大陆桥西南通道建设的思考

关于建设中印缅孟陆路贸易通道的研讨已经多年,现在,学术界又进而开始探讨建设第三欧亚大陆桥西南陆路通道问题。云南省建成腾冲至缅甸密支那公路,是近几年来建设西南通道的重要进展,使西南通道建设已不仅仅是一个学术探讨问题,而是正在逐步形成的实际行动。西南通道包括公路和铁路两大部分,分为瑞丽和腾冲两条干线。从公路干线看,瑞丽和腾冲两条干线各有所长。从铁路线看,选择腾冲线比瑞丽线更为有利。而要发挥腾密路的作用,则需解决缅甸甘拜地口岸与中方口岸对等问题。     

Sovereignty Negotiations and Gibraltar's Military Facilities: How Two "Red-Line" Issues Became Three

The Brussels Agreement signed between Britain and Spain in 1984 aimed to resolve all aspects of the dispute over Gibraltar, including sovereignty, which dated back to the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. Desultory progress was made in negotiations until 2001, when the British Government decided to attempt to negotiate a joint sovereignty agreement. From the outset two non-negotiable ('red-line') issues on Britain's part were established: the agreement must be permanent, and it must be subject to a referendum in Gibraltar. As the negotiations progressed, a third 'red-line' issue emerged: Britain insisted on retaining control of Gibraltar's military facilities. The article explores how this third issue emerged and the possible reasons why it did so following 9/11.     

Sovereignty Negotiations and Gibraltar's Military Facilities: How Two “Red-Line” Issues Became Three

The Brussels Agreement signed between Britain and Spain in 1984 aimed to resolve all aspects of the dispute over Gibraltar, including sovereignty, which dated back to the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. Desultory progress was made in negotiations until 2001, when the British Government decided to attempt to negotiate a joint sovereignty agreement. From the outset two non-negotiable (‘red-line’) issues on Britain's part were established: the agreement must be permanent, and it must be subject to a referendum in Gibraltar. As the negotiations progressed, a third ‘red-line’ issue emerged: Britain insisted on retaining control of Gibraltar's military facilities. The article explores how this third issue emerged and the possible reasons why it did so following 9/11.     

The Twin Peaks of Pyongyang

The United States has been negotiating with North Korea in an effort to have it renounce its nuclear program for over a decade, since Washington negotiated an Agreed Framework in 1994. In this time, North Korea has only amassed more plutonium. The negotiations are hindered by mutual distrust and hostility, but it is doubtful whether any change in Washington's attitude toward the dprk would help solve the nuclear issue. It is the Kim regime that is the core problem. Until the regime is removed, there can be no durable peace in the region. This article suggests that with the prospect for a negotiated resolution of the nuclear issue remote, and since any attempt to remove the Kim regime militarily would entail huge costs, Washington might consider a third option: directly engaging the North Korean people.     

Beyond soft balancing: small states and coalition-building in the ICC and climate negotiations

The role of small states has been largely neglected in research on the process and outcome of multilateral negotiations. Even though these states may be active in the agenda-setting processes or display a specific engagement in certain thematic aspects of negotiations, in the end game the outcome of negotiations has been perceived to be dependent on the bargaining between major powers. However, small states also have strategies at their disposal to compensate for these weaknesses. Two principal ones come to mind, prioritization or niche diplomacy, and coalition-building to join forces with like-minded states in order to draw on their resources, expertise and manpower. In the article, we compare two cases of small state coalitions in multilateral negotiations, namely the Like Minded (LM) group in the negotiations that led to the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) in United Nations climate negotiations. While the two coalitions resort to similar strategies, they have not been comparably successful. We will show that the ability to translate discursive power into measurable effects on outcomes ultimately depends on the institutional setting of the negotiations and the nature of the issue that coalitions are tackling.     

Beyond contestation: conceptualizing negotiation in democracy promotion

ABSTRACT

This article presents an analytical framework that guides the contributions to this special issue and, in general terms, aims at enabling a systematic investigation of processes of negotiation in the international promotion of democracy. It first briefly introduces the rationale for studying democracy promotion negotiation, offers a definition, and locates the general approach within the academic literature, bringing together different strands of research, namely studies of negotiation in international relations as well as research on democratization and democracy promotion. The larger part of the article then discusses key concepts, analytical distinctions and theoretical propositions along the lines of the three research questions that are identified in the introduction to this special issue. More specifically, the article (1) offers a typology that facilitates a systematic empirical analysis of the issues that are discussed in democracy promotion negotiations; (2) takes initial steps towards a causal theory of democracy promotion negotiation by identifying and discussing a set of parameters that can be expected to shape such negotiations; and (3) introduces key distinctions and dimensions that help guide empirical research on the output and outcome of negotiations in democracy promotion.