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1.
印度能源外交与中印合作   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
印度是全球主要的能源消费方和进口方,确保能源安全已成为其内外政策的重点。印度推行能源多元化战略,加大了在全球的能源竞争力度。而中印面临相似的能源安全问题。中印能源供应源逐渐交织,双方竞争态势增强。因此如何处理好与印度在全球的能源竞争与合作关系已成为中国能源安全战略的关键点之一。  相似文献   

2.
中亚以其独特的战略地位吸引了各大国的关注。中国和印度作为亚洲两个崛起中的大国,又是中亚的两个邻国,地缘和能源因素使两国与中亚联系在一起。本文阐述了中印两国在中亚的战略和能源博弈,并进一步分析了两国在这一地区竞争的可能性和合作的必要性,指出中印合作无论对两国的国家利益还是中亚的发展和稳定都是最佳的抉择。  相似文献   

3.
刘文 《东南亚纵横》2008,(12):67-71
近年来,由于国内能源有限和经济的高速增长,中国与印度两国的能源供给越来越多地依靠国际市场。在国际能源领域,双方加强合作与协调攸关两国能源安全和经济发展全局。尽管存在着竞争,但双方互利合作是主要的发展趋势,中印各自的发展优势也为不断拓展两国能源合作提供了广阔的互补空间。  相似文献   

4.
地缘环境、大国关系和经济需求是新世纪前影响印日关系发展的主要因素。新世纪印日关系发展的影响因素包括经济、政治、海洋安全和大国关系四个方面。除了经济发展模式的互补性外,新世纪两国之间有了新的经济价值和吸引力。共同谋求联合国安理会常任理事国的席位和共同的西方民主价值观是两国靠近的政治动因,但其影响力在印日之间存在根本差别。在海上能源安全和航道方面两国需要相互借重,但有三点需要中国特别注意。美国是印日关系的密切的推动者,但其对印日的影响力是不同的。中国在客观上是印日关系发展的重要影响因素,可以从内外两个层面发挥积极的作用。  相似文献   

5.
20世纪90年代以来中印贫困问题比较研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文对中印贫困的现状、外在表征和内在成因等方面做出了深入细致的分析与研究,揭示出中印贫困现象背后深层次的运行机理,进而为两国政府探索消除贫困、制定切实可行的因应对策提供了全新的理论视角。  相似文献   

6.

This article looks at the South China Sea, an area of dispute between China and other littoral states, as a new area of geopolitical and geoeconomic interest for India. The article follows the strategic discourse on the South China Sea circulating in the Indian government and wider strategic community, and brings in Chinese responses and interpretations of India's involvement. India's role in the South China Sea is four-fold: first, naval deployments; second, increasing strategic-military links with littoral states like Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam; third, economic involvement of Indian energy companies in South China Sea waters; and fourth, discussions between India and other regional and extra-regional China-concerned powers about the South China Sea. India's involvement in the South China Sea represents a new development in its Look East Policy, a new balancing factor in the interplay of actors within these waters, and a new friction factor within India-China relations.  相似文献   

7.
Joshy Paul 《India Review》2013,12(3):221-242
ABSTRACT

The US and India have become closer in recent times. Compared with the last century, the relationship between the two countries is in steady growth. Under both the Bush and Obama administrations, and now the Trump administration too, India is receiving significant importance in US’ strategic policy toward the Indo–Pacific. India’s emergence as a credible power in the Indian Ocean region has brought both countries much closer. The relationship has also steadily progressed as result of China’s emergence as a potential hegemon in Asia. The US faces difficulty in maintaining its preponderant position across the Indo–Pacific and requires strong allies in the region to help share the burden. In this regard, India could be the offshore balancer in Asia to counter China’s emergence as a potential hegemon in the region.  相似文献   

8.
Over the past 50 years, with the improvement of relationship between India and China, the scope of India studies in China's IR research has been broadened and the new areas of studies are being explored. The research agenda of India studies has already extended to the areas like economy, society, culture, security, national strategy and their impact on both bilateral and international relations. In this situation, the focuses of India studies in China's IR research can be mainly identified as follows: reviews on India's social, political and economic systems; analysis on the national strategy and foreign policy; Sino-Indian relations; India's relations with some international organizations. However, even though many fresh progresses have been made in India studies, the India studies in China's IR research still lag far behind the study of other important countries like the U.S., UK, Russia and Japan, and more problems and challenges will face in the coming future. The paper believes that a fuller understanding of India probably will not make China and India close friends, but it definitely will help to prevent them from becoming fierce enemies.  相似文献   

9.
冷战时期,基于抗衡美国、控制印度洋的共同战略,苏印进行了有效的海军合作。在前苏联支持下,印度海军迅速壮大,前苏联也因此而加强了在印度洋的存在。冷战后,俄印在互利贸易的基础上建立了合作研发的新型海军合作关系,印度的远洋控制战略使其更加依赖俄罗斯的海军武器,双方合作的深度和广度大幅提升。俄印海军合作的目标中有一定针对中国的因素。近年来其合作面临着印度与美国等西方国家海军合作的压力,但俄罗斯对印度海军的影响将是长期的。  相似文献   

10.
李婷  全毅 《亚非纵横》2011,(1):37-43
随着经济全球化和区域经济一体化进程不断加快,建立双边或多边自由贸易区(FTA)成为许多国家参与国际竞争、提高竞争力的重要途径。作为世界上最大的两个发展中国家——中国和印度近年来在经济发展上都取得了显著进步,双边贸易额不断增加。在经济全球化的背景下,中印建立自由贸易区将给两国经济带来更好的发展前景。  相似文献   

11.
The geographic proximity of Central Asia to Russia, China, the Caucasus and the Caspian region, as well as to the Middle East, makes this oil and gas-producing region a crucial and ever-developing player in regional and global energy markets. The method by which Central Asian producers choose to develop their hydrocarbon resources and export infrastructure will have significant implications for the plans for diversification of oil and gas supplies of Europe, China and India, as well as for Russia's energy exports to Europe. It is still too early to tell whether the economic and political incentives are strong enough to promote cooperation between the various actors or whether the energy interests of these key external powers are so diverse as to clash in Central Asia.  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT

This research examines China’s official perspectives on, and interpretation of, U.S.-China-India relations by surveying official, quasi-official, and some most relevant scholarly publications. China’s official line has always emphasized the bilateral nature of the relationship between China and India fending off any third-party interference, including that from the United States. Neither Chinese leaders nor the regime’s official media outlets would speak of China–India relationship with a triangular framework (with a rare exception of the Russia–India–China triangle). In the context of the rapid evolvement of U.S.-India military cooperation, the Chinese official line remains unforthcoming about whether such developments have direct implication for China’s security or national interests. Chinese core official media has in fact minimized the popularization of the idea that containing China is the driving force behind any cooperation between India and the United States.  相似文献   

13.
尽管中国和印度同为世界上重要的发展中国家,但是在FDI的吸收和利用上却不尽相同:FDI在中国更多流向加工制造业,在印度则更多流向离岸服务业。本文通过FDI对印度出口贸易影响的实证分析,得出二者不存在显著的因果关系这一结论,并提出我国如何更好地利用外资的相关建议。  相似文献   

14.
Nitya Singh 《India Review》2013,12(3):139-160
In the past 60 years, India-China relations have oscillated between friendship, hostility and indifference. In recent times, both countries have started competing for global economic gains and political status. In light of these events, the objective of this article is to analyze various strategies used by China against India, and India's policy response to these strategies. The article evaluates the process of foreign policy decision making in India, and traces the historical evolution of India's foreign policy towards China. It then deconstructs China's foreign policy towards India, and provides the rationale behind its strategies. The article suggests that after initial engagement with India on the question of boundary disputes, Chinese foreign policy has undergone a dramatic shift since 2007. It specifically evaluates the twin Chinese tactics of military incursions and denial of legitimacy to the Indian territories of Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh. Based on an analysis of China's previous boundary disputes resolution record with neighbors, these tactics are identified as an extension of China's new strategy for resolving such disputes. The article concludes by suggesting various policy options available to India to counter China's new strategy on the Sino-Indian border.  相似文献   

15.
2014年印度总理莫迪当选后将“东向”政策升级为“东向行动”政策,期望凭借印度在南亚次大陆的地缘优势,寻求南亚霸权的同时,向东扩展自己的战略利益。基于地缘政治和区域战略的需要,越南成为莫迪政府的“东向行动”政策的重要战略支持,两国不断推进多渠道的联系与交往,并逐步发展成为全面战略伙伴关系,在双边和多边层次上加强政治、军事、安全、经济等多方面的合作。尽管印越两国合作是基于战略和安全的现实需要,但由于两国均为中国邻国,且当前两国仍与中国存在着领土争端,因此在战略上相互借力,平衡中国在区域内的影响就成为两国发展伙伴关系的重要目标,印越两国在各领域的合作也在一定程度上对我国的周边安全环境造成了影响。  相似文献   

16.
中印建立了众多的军事和非军事信任措施,但近年来两国的矛盾与纷争显示,中印互信措施存在实施不力、涉及领域有限、深受敏感问题困扰、公众敌对情绪严重以及印度更为重视获得军事实力优势等等问题。为了增进中印互信,中印近期内要努力消除公众间的敌对情绪,中期内建立信任措施的重点要从预防边境冲突走向增进互信,远期内要最终签署边界协议和为中印关系营造良好的和平发展环境。  相似文献   

17.
尹锡南 《东南亚》2009,(1):37-41
本文以迄今为止中印关系曲折发展的历史进程为基础,从文化心理层面对中印之间的双向认知进行历史考古,回顾了印度对中国的认知与形象建构、中国对印度的认知历史,讨论了中印如何正确认识对方、文化交流在发展中印关系中的意义,并对通过文化交流深化中印关系进行了反思和展望。  相似文献   

18.
近年来,中国与印度的双边关系倍受世人瞩目,对印度的研究也成为中国学术界关注的主要议题.据不完全统计,20世纪90年代以来,中国国内学者出版的有关印度问题的专著超过20部,发表的文章近千篇,更有许多青年博士、硕士论文的选题也直接以印度问题为研究方向.  相似文献   

19.
随着美国奥巴马政府近期提出"重返亚太"战略,印度的地缘战略重要性进一步突显。美国强调印度的角色意义,鼓动印度在亚太地区格局中发挥独特的作用,包括帮助美国制衡中国。印度欲借助提升印美关系增加战略筹码并索取国家利益的最大化,但谨慎回应美国的亚太新战略,寻求符合自身战略利益的理性化政策选择。这似可表明,印美在稳步增强战略合作的同时,结为盟友或印度参与美国主导的多边安全伙伴体系的可能性较小。对美印关系的判断影响对中国战略利益和地区安全环境的认知。本文是对美国"重返亚太"战略对印度的影响、印度的回应和角色选择以及印美在亚太安全格局中的互动的初步探讨。  相似文献   

20.
李兴 《东北亚论坛》2011,20(3):29-35
梅德韦杰夫执政以来,其外交特点是:重视独联体,调整政策但区别对待;重视东方,中印平衡;对西方继续强硬但不破裂,进而改善,对美欧有所区别;利用俄优势,重视能源外交、体育外交、军事外交和大国外交;对国际事务提出很多新观点、新建议,使政府在实施俄罗斯外交政策的分量加重。其原因既有俄罗斯国力上升,也有国内的梅普组合因素,还有国际上的美国因素和中国因素。今后梅德韦杰夫外交将更加重视经济安全、能源外交和军事发展。对华将继续友好,战略借重加大,但发展空间有限,必须寻求新的增长点。在对西方关系上,在继承普京时期强硬外交的基础上进一步调整、改善、缓和与西方的关系。  相似文献   

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