华侨华人在中国—东盟自由贸易区的作用

1991年,中国开始与东盟进行对话并成为东盟磋商伙伴。1996年,中国成为东盟全面对话伙伴国,标志着中国与东盟关系进入了一个新的发展时期。2000年11月,中国国务院总理朱镕基在新加坡举行的“10 1”东盟和中国领导人会议上提出建立中国—东盟自由贸易区的设想,2001年     

中国-东盟货物贸易自由化的法律环境探讨

一、建立中国—东盟自由贸易区的背景继2001年正式确定建立中国—东盟自由贸易区(以下简称“CAFTA”)计划之后,2002年11月4日,出席中国与东盟领导人会议的中国国务院总理朱镕基和东盟10国领导人共同签署了《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议》(以下简称《框架协议》),决定到2010     

朱总理在东南亚“走亲戚”

1999年11月28日,中国国务院总理朱镕基在菲律宾首都马尼拉出席中国—东盟领导人非正式会晤。     

中国-东盟自由贸易区与海南旅游业

一、中国-东盟自由贸易区的建立 2000年11月6日,朱镕基总理在第五次东盟与中国领导人会议上,提出了推动建立中国-东盟自由贸易区的建议,确定为新世纪初中国与东盟合作的重点.     

中国-东盟农产品产业内贸易水平的实证分析

2000年11月在新加坡举行的第四次东盟10 3领导人会议上,中国国务院总理朱镕基首先提出对中国与东盟自由贸易区的可行性进行研究,会后东盟与中国建立了由政府与研究机构组成的专家小组,就该问题进行了联合研究。2001年11月,中国与东盟签署了10年之内     

建立中国——东盟自由贸易区推动经济全球化向共同繁荣方向发展

2002年11月4日,在柬埔寨首都金边召开的中国与东盟(10+1)领导人会议上,朱镕基总理与东盟10国领导人签署《中国-东盟全面经济合作框架协议》.《协议》计划到2010年建成"中国-东盟自由贸易区",它将是一个拥有17亿消费者、2万亿美元国内生产总值、1.2万亿美元贸易总额的经济区.这一协议实际上奠定了未来自由贸易区的法律基础.     

云南与东盟国家贸易的现状、问题与对策

2002年11月4日,中国政府总理朱镕基和东盟10国领导人签署了《中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议》,决定到2010年建成中国东盟自由贸易区,这标志着中国与东盟的经贸合作关系进入了新的历史阶段。云南有毗邻东盟的独特区位优势,将在中国东盟自由贸易区的建设中发挥重要作用。因此,有必要对云南与东盟贸易的现状、问题与对策进行研究,以便为云南在中国东盟自由贸易区的建设过程中发挥更大的作用。     

务实推进中越“两廊一圈”经贸合作

一、定位、定性中越"两廊一圈"经贸合作 东盟国家都是我国的友好近邻,历史上与我国一直有着传统的友好往来.20世纪90年代初,我国与东盟所有国家都建立或恢复了外交关系.1996年,中国成为东盟全面对话伙伴国.1997年12月,江泽民主席出席了首次中国-东盟领导人非正式会议,并发表了题为<建立面向21世纪的睦邻互信伙伴关系>的讲话.2002年11月,朱镕基总理和东盟国家领导人签署了<中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议>,正式启动建立中国-东盟自由贸易区的进程.2003年10月,中国率先加入<东南亚友好合作条约>,并与东盟建立了面向和平与繁荣的战略伙伴关系.2004年11月,温家宝总理和东盟国家领导人签署了<中国-东盟全面经济合作框架协议货物贸易协议>和<中国-东盟争端解决机制协议>等文件.     

CAFTA框架下的广西物流SWOT分析及战略选择

2000年,在新加坡举行的中国-东盟领导人会议上,时任中国国务院总理朱镕基首次提出建立中国-东盟自由贸易区.2001年,在文莱举行的第五次中国-东盟领导人会议宣布,决定在10年内建成中国-东盟自由贸易区.2002年,中国与东盟正式签署了《中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议》,标志着CAFTA正式启动.     

中国——东盟自由贸易区的建构和我们面临的机遇与挑战

2001年11月6日,在文莱首都斯里巴加湾举行的第五次东盟与中国领导人会议上,国务院总理朱镕基同东盟10国领导人就在今后10年内建成中国-东盟自由贸易区达成一致意见.这是双方领导人高瞻远瞩做出的重大决策,也是中国第一次承诺与他国,而且是一个包括10个国家的区域性组织的自由贸易安排,堪称中国与东盟关系史上的一个里程碑,为中国与东盟的经济合作开辟了新的局面,也是亚洲尤其是东亚经济合作中取得的重大进展,无论对中国,对东盟,还是对亚洲尤其是对东亚经济合作与国际关系的发展,都将产生重大的影响,具有深远的意义.目前,双边谈判已经开始,形势鼓舞人心.     

Foundations of an Authoritarian Populism in an International Context

The rise of populism, and its subsequent challenge to liberal democratic institutions, is an ongoing feature of twenty-first century global politics. The author contends that providing college students with theoretical tools to untangle the relationship between the logic and practices of domestic populist political movements and liberal democratic institutions empowers them to analyze critically those challenges and consider the extent to which populism is indicative of prior institutional failure. The work of Antonio Gramsci and Ernesto Laclau are used to develop a model of populism appropriate for advanced undergraduate international relations students. The cases of the Tea Party, Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign, Victor Orbán’s rise in Hungary demonstrate the dynamics of the model and its relevance to the study of international relations and foreign policy.     

Towards an Asian security-community

The title of this paper indicates that the subject matter involves a process. It is a gradual process, step by step , since there are still many constraints: the complete normalization between China and Japan; the acceptance of the US, openly or tacit; and ASEAN's credibility, which will depend on the efforts to build the ASEAN Community. The process probably involves more than only East Asia in the geographical sense, because it would be sensible to include India, Australia and New Zealand as well. An Asian Security Community appears premature. But an extended East Asian community, which has a security component, could be a possibility. How this will unfold further will depend on how successful this regional process will be. East Asia cannot emulate the EU because it is a more diverse region than Europe, but East Asia can learn from the EU.     

Changing families and communities: an LGBT contribution to an alternative development path

Until now, most discussions on the place of lesbian/gay/bisexual/transgender (LGBT) people in global civil society have focused on their access to citizenship, rather than their socio-economic rights and role in development processes. This article argues that an alternative vision of development should challenge heteronormative family structures; build alternative, queer communities; wage activist, sexually emancipatory campaigns on concrete social issues (as the Treatment Action Campaign has done on HIV and AIDS in South Africa); and rethink existing models of democratic participation. The author emphasises the paradoxes of LGBT organisation in the context of neo-liberalism and globalisation, with an eye toward queering, or challenging heteronormativity in, global social-justice movements.     

Security and an Ersatz identity

From the time of the emergence of the two German states in 1949, national questions and security issues were closely linked. The conjoining stemmed in part from Germany's unusual situation as a divided nation, and the ultimate dependence of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) upon the United States for guardianship and protection. West Germans tended to suppress a sense of nationhood, and to identify with Western institutions, especially the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Economic Community (EEC). Membership in the latter allowed Germans to increasingly regard themselves as Europeans first and foremost, thereby avoiding delicate feelings of national identity. NATO not only accorded protection to the FRG, but also institutionalized and enshrined an affinity with the United States. Over time, a maturing process occurred whereby Germans would reconsider their identity and deliberate about their sense of nationhood.     

International assistance to democratic reform in Ukraine: an opportunity missed or an opportunity squandered?

The article examines the impact of international expert advice on efforts to introduce democratizing reforms in Ukraine’s system of public administration following independence in 1991. The focus of the analysis is on an area which has particular resonance in the light of recent events in Ukraine, the relationship between Kyiv and the regions. The article argues that the effectiveness of external assistance has been compromised as much by institutional factors affecting the behaviour of international donors as by corresponding factors on the Ukrainian side, and that an opportunity to contribute to the democratic transformation of Ukraine has been needlessly wasted.