普京执政时期俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚的关系

在独联体国家关系中,俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚两国关系最为复杂.两国独立以来,由于反恐、驻军和民族问题等诸多因素,彼此间始终龃龉不断.普京执政后.对外高加索各国政策进行了相应的调整.执政初期,普京力图扭转与格鲁吉亚的关系,但由于同格矛盾较深,俄格关系始终没有得到真正好转.格鲁吉亚发生"颜色革命"亲西方的萨卡什维利担任总统后,俄格关系更是急转直下,双方剑拔弩张,几乎濒临战争边缘.如今,由于南奥塞梯冲突,俄格两国已经断交.基于两国战略欲求的背离及彼此间结构性矛盾,俄格关系短期内难有好转.     

俄格关系新动向

苏联解体后，俄罗斯和格鲁吉亚两国由于历史、民族、驻军等原因，彼此之间矛盾不断。2008年俄格冲突爆发，格鲁吉亚与俄罗斯断交，随后退出独联体，俄格关系进入了冰冻期。近一年来，由于格鲁吉亚政局及外交政策发生了变化，俄格关系出现了改善趋向。     

格鲁吉亚与俄罗斯间谍风波深层原因探析

格鲁吉亚与俄罗斯之间的间谍风波导致彼此关系降至两国独立以来的最低点.在间谍事件的处理上,双方表现都很强硬.究其深层原因,格鲁吉亚高调处理间谍事件既是对俄罗斯长期积怨的总爆发,也是其加入北约迫切心情的具体表现和出于对国际形势的乐观估计.俄罗斯表现强硬主要在于其维护大国尊严的考虑,也是其杀鸡骇猴的策略.俄格关系僵持一段时期后还会有所缓和,但彼此的裂痕将难以消除.     

俄格冲突的深层原因及影响

2006年9月底,俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚之间的“间谍风波”引发两国关系出现了自苏联解体后的最严重危机。俄格矛盾与冲突的背后是两国在阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯问题上的利益冲突,以及俄罗斯与西方对格鲁吉亚的地缘政治争夺。俄格关系恶化将对格国内和外高地区局势、独联体未来以及俄与西方关系产生一系列重要影响。     

美国的介入对格鲁吉亚与俄罗斯关系的影响

冷战结束以来,格鲁吉亚与俄、美保持着紧密而复杂的政治经济关系,俄美也都表现出对格的争夺之意。尤其是"9.11"事件后,美以反恐为名进军中亚,俄罗斯不能置地缘战略安全利益于不顾,奋力与美角逐格鲁吉亚,维护俄南部局势的稳定和传统的势力范围,而美亦不会停止反恐的脚步,与俄争夺格鲁吉亚和中亚国家的控制权。因此,传统的格俄关系发展方向存在极大的不确定性和不稳定性,除去两国自身因素,美国是对二者关系产生影响的重要因素之一。     

格鲁吉亚与俄罗斯关系中的美国因素

在格鲁吉亚和俄罗斯关系的发展过程中,格把对俄关系放在外交政策的第一位,同时积极与西方国家建立友好的伙伴关系。美国从格独立后便开始进入外高加索地区,直到2001年“9·11”事件发生之后,美国军事力量进入格鲁吉亚,为格培训军事人员,并开始介入阿布哈兹事务,在格俄关系中的美国因素越来越明显,而俄美在格的争夺也愈演愈烈。本文阐述苏联解体后格鲁吉亚与俄罗斯关系的变化,以及格俄关系起落中的美国因素。     

梅德韦杰夫执政以来的中俄关系

梅德韦杰夫执政后,中俄关系发展始终比较平稳,两国在政治、经济、人文等领域的合作取得了重大进展.目前,两国关系正处于历史最好时期,双边关系发展已经比较稳定和成熟,但依然存在经贸合作不稳定、人文合作缺乏民间动力、俄罗斯民众对中国的快速发展存有疑虑等问题.今后,双方在考虑自身利益时,如能够兼顾对方利益关切,两国战略协作伙伴关...     

后冷战时代的俄波关系

冷战结束后,俄波关系进入转折时期。由于历史恩怨和国家利益等诸多问题,两国关系磕磕绊绊,纷争不断。斯摩棱斯克空难发生后,俄波关系呈现缓和态势。展望未来的俄波关系,双方在经济领域的合作会进一步加强,而政治关系在短时间内难以取得实质性进展。     

普京执政以来的俄日关系

普京执政以来,保持了俄日双边关系的继承性。4年来,俄日两国政治关系的发展并非一帆风顺。期间,有一年半的时间关系变冷,跌入了两国关系史中的又一个低谷。从2002年下半年起,两国关系又重新步入向前发展的轨道。由于俄日两国经济发展程度不同,限制了经济上的互补,加之俄罗斯缺乏必要的投资环境,双边经贸关系发展缓慢。今后两国关系能否顺利发展,主要取决于在领土问题上能否达成妥协以及经济合作潜力是否得到挖掘以及国内政治、国际因素对两国关系的影响程度。     

冷战结束以来俄日关系的新变化

冷战后,俄日关系发生深刻变化,双方摆脱意识形态束缚,从对抗走向合作。近年来,两国关系在国际热点问题、亚太地区安全问题以及双边经济合作问题上取得积极进展。但是,一直悬而未决的“北方领土”问题始终制约两国关系的正常化发展。尽快解决领土问题是俄日面临的迫切课题。从长远看,无论将来领土问题如何解决,俄日两国互有需求、彼此借重、谋求合作的积极趋势不会逆转。     

试析俄格冲突的战略内涵

俄格冲突是九一一事件之后的又一历史性事件,意味着"冷战后时代"的一个重要转折.它证明了俄罗斯的强势崛起及其国际战略观的显著变化,表明原苏联国家寻求新身份认同的过程还没有完全结束,欧亚地区的新一轮分化还将继续.俄格冲突在一定程度上反映了美国全球控制力正在下降,欧洲难以完全整合,北约处境尴尬.俄格冲突在一定程度上展现了"无极"秩序可能导致的混乱和"国际管理真空",凸现了"双重标准"对国际法原则的严重冲击.能否就国际安全、世界经济和全球稳定做出合理安排,挑战着国际战略家的智慧与意志.俄格冲突的背后是激烈的能源地缘政治竞争,国际能源战略环境将进一步趋于复杂.     

Russia-Georgia Conflict and Beyond

Yet another Post 9/11 historical event indicating a significant turning point in the Post-Cold War era, Russia-Georgia conflict represents a remarkable change in the international strategy of a resurgent Russia. It also signifies that former Soviet republics are still groping for a new identity and that a new round of realignment will persist in the vast Eurasia region. The conflict reveals declining U.S. global control, flawed European integration, and NATO embarrassment. To a certain extent, it exposes chaos brought about by international nonpolarity and world governance vacuum. It also highlights what serious consequences can a double standard inflict on the principles of international law. A reasonable arrangement for global security and economic growth is therefore challenging the resolve and wisdom of international strategists. Actually fierce geopolitical rivalry for energy resources is at work behind the Russia-Georgia conflict. This will further compound the international energy strategic environment.     

The roles of conflict resolution scholars in Georgian–Abkhaz and Georgian–South-Ossetian conflict and conflict resolution

The evolving close relationship between the scholarly study of conflict resolution and the practice of waging and resolving conflicts can be seen in Georgian–Abkhaz and Georgian–South-Ossetian relations from 1992 to 2008. This article focuses on two related case studies of the many roles played by international conflict resolution scholars in Georgian–Abkhaz and in Georgian–South-Ossetian relations from 1992 to 2008. Drawing on interviews with insider-partial conflict resolution scholars, relevant international scholar-practitioners of conflict resolution, and the leadership of all parties of the conflicts, conducted between 1996 and 2008, the article presents a comprehensive analysis of the variety of roles conflict resolution scholar-practitioners have played in these conflicts during the wars and the recovery from war. The analysis suggests the need for clear ethical guidelines that cover traditional scholarly roles as well as scholar-practitioner roles including advising conflict parties, facilitating conflict resolution processes and analysing the conflicts. In particular, dilemmas emerge as scholar-practitioners move back and forth between these modes of engaged scholarship.     

俄格冲突后的格鲁吉亚局势

俄格冲突是近年来俄罗斯地缘政治突围的继续和延伸。这次冲突对相关国家之间的关系有重大影响,同时也使格鲁吉亚的国内局势发生了重大变化。目前阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯面临重新确定身份的问题,这两个地区不会并入俄罗斯,但是它们与阿扎尔一样会继续远离格鲁吉亚。格鲁吉亚加入北约和欧盟的希望更加渺茫,萨卡什维利政府也有倒台的危险。不过冲突后这一年来,外高加索地区进入了一个相对稳定的时期。     

The 2008 Russian–Georgian war via the lens of Offensive Realism

Abstract

The Russian intervention in Georgia's breakaway republic of South Ossetia in August 2008, Moscow's first-ever use of military force against a sovereign state in the post-cold war period, deserves a theoretical explanation. By following the tenets of Offensive Realism, this article will argue that the US–Russian competition in the South Caucasus is the main cause of the 2008 Russian–Georgian war. During the 1990s, the USA passed the buck to Turkey to contain Russian influence in the South Caucasus. In the early to mid-2000s, however, the Russian–Turkish relations were improved so rapidly that the USA opted, through NATO expansion, to step in as an offshore balancer. Following Bush administration's decision to support the Georgian candidacy for NATO membership and Georgia's ill-fated attempt to seize South Ossetia, Moscow went to war to re-establish hegemony in the South Caucasus. In this way, as the theory of Offensive Realism claims, the Kremlin believes that Russian state will enhance its chances of survival in the anarchical international system.     

China’s Strategic Choices

A number of significant events in 2008-2009, such as the Russia-Georgia conflict, the Beijing Olympics, the global financial crisis, the continuing threat of international terrorism and the worldwide spread of the H1N1 virus, may herald the close of the post-Cold War era. A new epoch is dawning, characterized by the collective rise of emerging powers and by increased global cooperation in response to the common concerns of the planet. America, Europe, Japan, Russia, India, Australia and other world powers are contemplating new strategic options to meet these changing circumstances. As a major driving force behind this phenomenon, China faces pressures for self-change and global change at the same time. It is obviously a task more formidable than that confronting the rest of the world. It requires China to redefine its role in the new era and make its strategic choices more rational and multi-directional in nature.     

俄格冲突的根源探析

近来俄格围绕南奥塞梯的激烈冲突绝非仅仅是涉及其双边关系的一个孤立事件,其背后隐藏着诸多复杂因素;格鲁吉亚的"亲西方"政策、俄格在阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯问题上的历史积怨、以美国为首的西方对俄罗斯的战略挤压以及俄美对里海地区能源的争夺乃是俄格冲突的根源所在;此外,俄罗斯不断提升的综合国力也是催生俄格冲突的一个因素.     

The Rose Revolution: A Revolution without Revolutionaries?

In this investigation of the sources of the Rose Revolution in Georgia in November 2003 and presentation of the challenges the new leadership faces, the author argues that there are four contexts to the Georgian revolutionary events of 2003: first, a popular and romantic yearning among Georgians for union with Europe; second, the dismal failings of the Shevardnadze regime; third, the combined impact of global economic models and Westernisation in Georgia; and, fourth, the Soviet legacy. The role of civil society organisations, though important, was not vital to the success of the Rose Revolution. The manner in which the new leadership has tackled state-building challenges suggests the pro-Western revolution is still in a radical phase, with the imperative of state consolidation often overriding Western models of due process and democratic governance. The direction of the revolution – toward greater liberalism or radical populism – will have a major impact on regional politics and on the policies of both the US and the EU in the region.     

Securing disenfranchisement through violence and isolation: the case of Georgians/Mingrelians in the district of Gali

This article explores the functions of the high levels of violence, insecurity and isolation that have characterised the Gali district of Abkhazia since the end of the 1992–1993 Abkhaz War. It traces their trajectories in a 20-year timeframe, explaining the demographic and economic peculiarities of the case. It argues that violence and isolation were used to deepen the economic, social and political disenfranchisement of the Georgian/Mingrelian population within Abkhazia, which in turn served wider economic and political goals.     

Demographic manipulation in the Caucasus (with special reference to Georgia)

The author discusses political developments in the Caucasus region since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The focus is on the events in Georgia that led to the war in South Ossetia (particularly in Abkhazia), and the author suggests that this development is the latest in a 200-year history of demographic manipulation of minority peoples by the region's two major powers, Russia and Georgia. Parallels are drawn between the Georgian war in Abkhazia and Russia's war in Chechenia. The author questions the value of the principle of territorial integrity, and suggests that alternative principles safeguarding the rights of ethnic minorities would be more appropriate in these circumstances.