俄格冲突的根源探析

近来俄格围绕南奥塞梯的激烈冲突绝非仅仅是涉及其双边关系的一个孤立事件,其背后隐藏着诸多复杂因素;格鲁吉亚的"亲西方"政策、俄格在阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯问题上的历史积怨、以美国为首的西方对俄罗斯的战略挤压以及俄美对里海地区能源的争夺乃是俄格冲突的根源所在;此外,俄罗斯不断提升的综合国力也是催生俄格冲突的一个因素.     

俄罗斯国际观的变化与对外政策调整

近年来,国际格局中一个引入瞩目的变化是俄罗斯的强势崛起.随着国力复兴,俄国际战略观也发生了重要变化.俄认为美国的影响正在下降,西方正失去对全球化的主导,多中心国际秩序进一步显现.俄格冲突是对俄新国际战略观的一次重要检验.然而国力上升并未使俄罗斯的外部环境得到改善,2008年的俄格冲突和全球金融危机使俄周边及国际环境出现恶化趋势,俄因此加速调整对外政策,一方面宣示坚决捍卫国家利益的决心,努力维系俄在原苏联地区的地位与影响,强化与新兴大国合作;另一方面试图借奥巴马上台之机与美国建立平等的"战略伙伴关系",同时继续强化俄欧相互依赖关系,构筑俄欧"统一空间".未来,俄对外政策将受到俄国家实力、国家身份定位、崛起方式和国内政治等因素的影响.     

国际体系变迁与中国的战略选择

俄格冲突、北京奥运、美国金融海啸、国际恐怖主义再度升级、H1N1全球性蔓延、气候变化与新能源合作成为热点,近年来如此多的重大国际性事件的发生,预示着后冷战时代大体告一段落、新兴大国崛起时代已然到来、全球合作应对全球性问题的时代全面开启,国际体系变迁正在由量变发生质变.美欧日俄印澳等大国均加紧因应,谋求以战略之变应对体系之变.中国作为体系变迁的重要推力,在体系变迁中既要"自转"也要"公转",比别国更多一份应对体系变迁的压力.如何把握新时期的角色转换,并适时进行战略调整,是中国无法回避的重大课题.     

试析国际资本对俄罗斯投资的国家风险

进入21世纪以来，随着经营环境和投资环境的逐步改善，俄罗斯已进入世界最受欢迎的十大投资地之列。从国际资本对俄投资现状看，投资总量不大且投资结构不尽合理。由于吸引外资的法律制度尚不完善、执法随意性较大，因此对俄投资的国家风险增大。“尤科斯”、“萨哈林-2号”等事件在一定程度上打击了国际投资者对俄投资的信心。2008年8月俄格冲突的爆发也使对俄投资政治风险进一步凸显。     

从俄罗斯经济的对外依赖性看其未来走势

俄罗斯经济至今连续三年保持增长,国际社会与俄国内各界对俄未来纷纷看好,评价积极.其实俄经济发展的基础还比较脆弱,发展道路上还将面临一些困难主要表现为国际市场能源、原材料价格的稳定是决定俄经济平稳发展的重要前提;制定合理的债务偿还战略是保证俄经济稳定发展的关键环节;吸引外资,推进经济结构改革,是俄经济稳定发展的重要保证;加入WTO,融入全球经济一体化进程将为俄经济稳定发展创造有利条件.     

俄格冲突：地缘政治框架下的分析

2008年8月爆发的俄格冲突是相关各方地政治博弈背景下的产物，它反映了俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚、俄罗斯与美国以及欧亚地区三个层次的地政治冲突的现实。冲突也相应地在三个层次上产生了反映地政治冲突的力量格局和平衡的现实结果。俄格冲突也在地政治层面对今后国际局势产生了重要影响，其中包括对当前美国主导的国际秩序的冲击，对北约未来发展的冲击以及对国际能源局势的冲击。     

俄格冲突对国际关系的影响探析

俄格冲突是苏联解体后俄罗斯军队第一次在境外作战。学界对此进行了各种分析评论,总体上担心这场冲突会导致"新冷战"开场,怀疑国际格局发生了重大变化。从实际情况看,俄罗斯是在格鲁吉亚突然袭击受维和部队保护的南奥塞梯后被迫采取的军事行动,仅仅是为了阻止北约继续东扩的步伐。这场冲突既没有改变"美强俄弱"的总体国际环境,甚至也没有改变"美攻俄守"的欧亚地区格局。俄格冲突是对冷战结束以来美国在世界各地推行强权政治的"反动",引发人们对冷战后国际关系准则一再遭到破坏的深刻反思。     

“9·11”事件后俄罗斯对外战略的重大调整

去年"9·11"事件以来,俄罗斯外交战略的调整引起了全世界的高度关注,其外交动向呈现出鲜明的"大西洋主义"色彩。俄罗斯外交战略的调整既是俄罗斯传统战略文化的现实折射和外交经验的深刻总结,也是俄着眼于国际环境和自身实力而做出的务实选择。"立足欧洲、融入西方"已成为俄罗斯既定的外交战略,俄美关系、俄北关系、俄欧关系也将随之经历重大变化,它们彼此之间的利益互动和冲突决定了俄罗斯的"西进"之路将是曲折而漫长的。     

浅析俄罗斯天然气产销战略与对欧合作

俄罗斯拥有世界最大的天然气储量，这是普京政府新世纪能源外交战略的重要组成部分。欧盟作为俄罗斯天然气最大的传统市场，在一定程度上受到俄政策的牵制，今年初俄乌的“断气事件”令欧盟一度紧张就是典型事例。本文试从俄天然气产销战略及其产生背景，欧盟能源外交对俄的挑战，以及俄欧天然气合作前景等方面作一探讨。     

俄罗斯亚太战略及其多重影响

亚太战略形成是普京执政期内俄罗斯外交战略上的重大调整,其核心在于将远东乃至整个俄罗斯融入亚太经济一体化之中,提升俄在亚太地区的地位与作用.俄亚太战略涉及三大地缘目标——周边方向、欧洲方向、亚太方向,带有鲜明的地缘政治与经济特点.在亚太地缘安全上,俄战略东移在一定程度上对亚太军事力量起到了再平衡作用.在亚太地缘经济上,俄资源禀赋为亚太各国能源战略提供了一种选择,其交通地理优势为亚太国家通往欧洲物流提供了国际运输便利,对整个地区战略格局将产生影响.在亚太地区政治与经济格局中,中国应采取联俄睦邻政策,抗衡美国亚太战略部署：一是构建中俄安全利益共同体,推进亚太地区安全体系转型;二是构建中俄经济利益共同体,推进东北亚区域经济一体化进程;三是构建亚太命运共同体,推进中国与亚太地区良性互动.     

Russia-Georgia Conflict and Beyond

Yet another Post 9/11 historical event indicating a significant turning point in the Post-Cold War era, Russia-Georgia conflict represents a remarkable change in the international strategy of a resurgent Russia. It also signifies that former Soviet republics are still groping for a new identity and that a new round of realignment will persist in the vast Eurasia region. The conflict reveals declining U.S. global control, flawed European integration, and NATO embarrassment. To a certain extent, it exposes chaos brought about by international nonpolarity and world governance vacuum. It also highlights what serious consequences can a double standard inflict on the principles of international law. A reasonable arrangement for global security and economic growth is therefore challenging the resolve and wisdom of international strategists. Actually fierce geopolitical rivalry for energy resources is at work behind the Russia-Georgia conflict. This will further compound the international energy strategic environment.     

俄格冲突后的格鲁吉亚局势

俄格冲突是近年来俄罗斯地缘政治突围的继续和延伸。这次冲突对相关国家之间的关系有重大影响,同时也使格鲁吉亚的国内局势发生了重大变化。目前阿布哈兹和南奥塞梯面临重新确定身份的问题,这两个地区不会并入俄罗斯,但是它们与阿扎尔一样会继续远离格鲁吉亚。格鲁吉亚加入北约和欧盟的希望更加渺茫,萨卡什维利政府也有倒台的危险。不过冲突后这一年来,外高加索地区进入了一个相对稳定的时期。     

China’s Strategic Choices

A number of significant events in 2008-2009, such as the Russia-Georgia conflict, the Beijing Olympics, the global financial crisis, the continuing threat of international terrorism and the worldwide spread of the H1N1 virus, may herald the close of the post-Cold War era. A new epoch is dawning, characterized by the collective rise of emerging powers and by increased global cooperation in response to the common concerns of the planet. America, Europe, Japan, Russia, India, Australia and other world powers are contemplating new strategic options to meet these changing circumstances. As a major driving force behind this phenomenon, China faces pressures for self-change and global change at the same time. It is obviously a task more formidable than that confronting the rest of the world. It requires China to redefine its role in the new era and make its strategic choices more rational and multi-directional in nature.     

俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚关系的变化及走势

在独联体国家关系中,俄罗斯与格鲁吉亚关系最为复杂.两国独立以来,由于反恐、驻军、历史和民族问题等诸多因素,彼此间始终龃龉不断.叶利钦执政时期,因格鲁吉亚国内形势及俄格两国外交战略的变化,俄格关系起伏较大.普京执政初期,力图扭转与格关系,但由于同格矛盾较深,俄格关系始终没有得到真正好转.格鲁吉亚发生"颜色革命"后,俄格关系更是急转直下,双方剑拔弩张,几乎濒临战争边缘.梅德维杰夫执政后,双方虽均有缓和彼此关系的愿望,但基于两国关系的脆弱性,俄格关系进一步恶化,最终双方发生武装冲突,两国关系降至独立以来的历史最低点.今后,两国关系在一定时期内难有好转.     

Human rights and companies in conflict zones

Companies appear to be taking the business ramifications of conflict far more seriously, yet with limited consideration of the full extent of their responsibilities. Certainly, they see conflict resolution as primarily the responsibility of government yet find themselves in context specific situations where they are nevertheless expected to work actively to protect and promote human rights. In addition to “traditional” civil and political rights, companies' human rights responsibilities are increasingly also recognised. It is not impossible to apply human rights principles to conflict situations or to integrate them with a policy of conflict management. The process of managing human rights and a company's economic performance in conflict zones are directly related.     

《里海法律地位公约》的签署及其影响（英文）

The signing of the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea after more than two decades of marathon negotiations established a new legal foundation for the sensible yet comprehensive settlement and management of Caspian issues. However, uncertainties still remain concerning future implementation of the Convention given the deep-rooted conflict of interests among coastal countries.     

Negotiation and Conflict Resolution Education in the Age of the MOOC

Even as online learning is increasingly embraced by institutions of higher education, the past decade has seen the arrival of yet another new educational vehicle: massive online open courses (MOOCs). These courses are designed to disseminate knowledge at an unprecedented scale — even as they engender concerns about quality, learning efficacy, and the future of higher education. In this article, I discuss the MOOC phenomenon and describe a MOOC on negotiation that I developed and taught, exploring the advantages that such a course offers for negotiation and conflict resolution education in particular.     

Israel and the Palestinians in a Changing Neighbourhood

The political and strategic landscape of the Middle East and North African region has changed dramatically since late 2010 and the events now loosely defined as the ‘Arab Spring’. The dust has yet to settle in many Arab capitals and 2013 is set to be another defining year for the greater Middle East as regional actors, particularly new Islamist-led governments, take on more direct roles in influencing political, military and social developments in the Arab world. Israel and the Palestinian factions of Hamas and Fatah are not immune to these developments and while progress towards peace has been all but non-existent, change in the region must not necessarily lead to more tensions and conflict. The EU and US should work to establish greater Arab ownership of the diplomatic process, convince Israel that its security is best served by assuming a proactive approach to its changing neighbourhood and strive to harness the new realities in the region to modify the incentive calculus of the major domestic players in the conflict.     

Party system stability and conflict initiation

The study of interstate conflict has yielded a voluminous literature to date, yet much of the recent work has only just begun to underscore the importance of domestic factors in predicting conflict initiation in democracies. In short, some of these studies find that when electoral accountability is greater—measured in a variety of ways—interstate conflict becomes less likely. Despite this burgeoning literature, scholars have spent far less time analysing the role linkage institutions, such as stable party systems, have played in foreign policy discussions. To address this gap, we argue that in more stable party systems conflict initiation becomes less likely due to the greater accountability present in these systems. This conjecture is supported by the results of a time-series cross-sectional analysis of 48 democracies from 1978 to 2000 that uses multiple measures of conflict initiation and party system stability.     

Violence Against Civilians: A Disaggregated Analysis

Disaggregated approaches to conflict research have led to new insights into the patterns and processes of political violence in developing countries. This article uses the most comprehensive subnational political violence data (ACLED) to observe where and when violence against civilians occurs within civil wars. Several new conclusions are evident from an event-based analysis of civilian violence: retribution or collateral damage are poor explanations for attacks on the unarmed. Instead, civilians are targeted because they are accessible; rebel groups kill more civilians, often in an attempt to create new frontlines for conflict. However, governments are also responsible for high rates of civilian death, yet they often “contract” this violence out to militias. This analysis confirms that there are multiple violent groups within civil war spaces, and small opposition groups commit higher levels of violence against civilians in local spaces. The strength of a violent group compared to its competition shapes how much civilian violence it commits. The results suggest that theories that emphasize civilian support and retribution as a basis for violence against civilians have overlooked the importance of how multiple violent opposition groups compete within civil wars, and how civilians suffer as a result.