穿越历史迷雾透视民族分离主义——《全球化进程中的东南亚民族问题研究》、《多民族共存与民族分离运动》的探幽与创见

《全球化进程中的东南亚民族问题研究》应用矛盾分析的方法，在分析印尼亚齐民族分离运动的基础上，提出了以“经济一文化双重结构”来解读东南亚民族分离运动的创见；在论述印尼亚齐、泰南穆斯林和菲律宾摩洛人这三个民族问题时，避免了以“善”、“恶”二元对立的观念来对各方做出评判，从而避免了站在某一特定立场可能产生的偏颇。其姊妹篇《多民族共存与民族分离运动》一书，则是从民族关系的角度，探讨东南亚各民族互动的一体两面，寻找文化共存的深层原因。两书以历史脉络为线索，试图揭示出全球化背景下民族问题的内在本质。     

对宗教自由与多元主义的挑战：印尼反阿赫默迪亚运动浅析

印尼是一个多元民族与多元文化的国家，宗教自由与多元主义是印尼建国以来长期奉行的政治原则，对维护族群团结与社会稳定发挥着重要影响。但近年来印尼国内日益猖獗的反伊斯兰阿赫默迪亚教派的运动不仅严重践踏了宗教自由与多元主义的政治原则，同时也凸显了后苏哈托时期印尼伊斯兰激进主义的膨胀及其日益增长的政治影响。今天印尼的反阿赫默迪亚运动不仅加剧了印尼伊斯兰思想与穆斯林社会的分裂，同时也折射出当代印尼伊斯兰自由主义与多元主义在印尼面临的困境与挑战。     

简析印尼社会问题产生的根源

印度尼西亚是东南亚地区的大国。由于历史的、经济的、政治的、体制的、民族的、宗教的等多方面原因，其社会问题较多，也较为严重。主要表现在：地区经济发展失衡；贫富悬殊加剧；贫困人口增多；腐败现象滋生蔓延；失业和半失业人数激增；民族矛盾尖锐复杂；地方分裂活动不断；暴力犯罪案件陡增；生态平衡破坏严重。本文仅就上述社会问题产生的根源作一些简要分析。一．社会问题产生的历史根源在西方殖民者入侵印尼群岛以前，印尼是一个尚未形成统一的大国。１６世纪以后，印尼逐渐沦为荷兰殖民地。荷兰殖民者的殖民统治是造成印尼社会贫困…     

试论比特里战争及其性质

比特里战争,又称米南加保战争。这次战争在印度尼西亚民族解放运动史上占有很重要的地位,它仅次于爪哇战争(1825—1830)和亚齐战争(1873—1912)。进入二十世纪,随着印度尼西亚近代民族民主运动的兴起,米南加保地区与爪哇一样,涌现出不少民族民主运动的活动家和伊斯兰教改革家。印尼独立后,该地区出身的活动家、改革家继续成为政治舞台上的风云人物。因此,探讨比特里战争有助于加深对印尼民族解放运动史的了解。我国史学界对比特里战争尚少试述,本文拟对这次战争的原因、进程及其性质与后果,试作一个初步的探讨。     

多种族多语言的东盟国家的民族语言政策和学校教育问题

东盟国家的社会语言多元性东盟国家在语言和种族上都表现出多元性,语言必然是东盟国家建设中的一个关键因素。(一)印度尼西亚印尼是种族差异最明显的国家。据1972年印度尼西亚民族语言学院公布的印尼语言图,确定语种数为418。这个国家的格言“差异中求统一”     

印度尼西亚华文补习班(学校)现状之调查与分析

印度尼西亚华文教育解禁后已走过13年的旅程,呈现出良好的发展势头,而这离不开印尼华文教育的一个重要形式——华文补习班(学校)的贡献.本文在调查的基础上,分析了印尼华文补习班(学校)的学生构成、课程设置、师资情况以及发展中的问题,认为印尼多元的、多层次的华文市场为印尼的华文补习班(学校)的发展提供了契机,但其发展中的一些问题也应引起重视,对此,我们提出了相应的建议和对策.     

东南亚大事记（2007年7月1～31日）

4～5日,中国外交部长杨洁篪访问印度尼西亚。4日,杨洁篪与印尼外长哈桑举行会谈。印度尼西亚总统苏西洛5日在雅加达总统府会见杨洁篪,双方就双边关系、国际和地区问题交换看法。     

东南亚大事记（2006年7月1-31日）

1日，马来西亚与印度尼西亚在印尼西加里曼丹省山口洋地区举行为期7天的三军联合演习，以加强两国的军事合作。     

印度尼西亚南海政策的演变

印度尼西亚与中国及东南亚国家在南海并无岛屿主权争端，但在纳土纳群岛，印尼与中越等国存在海域划界纠纷。印尼不属于南海问题的争端方，但自20世纪90年代以来，它一直积极扮演南海争端“调停者”角色，希望借推动解决南海争端彰显其地区大国的影响力，确立在东盟的领导地位。     

印尼国内面临严重的动乱危机

１９９９年８月东帝汶在联合国的主持下通过全民公决脱离印尼后，激发了印尼国内一直存在的分离情绪，亚齐和马鲁古等地的骚乱此起彼伏，严重的暴乱使印度尼西亚新政府面临严峻的考验。一、分裂活动和宗教骚乱的起源和现阶段情况目前，亚齐特区是最可能有分裂危险的地区，它要求就自治还是独立进行全民公决。另一方面，持续了一年的印尼马鲁古省宗教骚乱愈演愈烈。这些动乱，造成了大量的人员伤亡和物质损失。１、亚齐情况。１９９９年１１月８日，在印尼新政府成立不足两个星期的时候，印尼最西部的亚齐特区首府班达齐亚发生了据说有５０万…     

米佐人问题初探

米佐人是中国周边民族。1947年印巴分治时，米佐人聚居的卢谢山区（Lusei／Lushai Hills）并入了印度自治领。由于印度政府治理不当，米佐山区1966年爆发了武装分离主义运动。1986年印度中央政府与“米佐民族阵线”签署了和平协定。此后该邦局势平静，民族分离主义问题得到有效解决。     

Separating the Sheep from the Goats among Africa's Separatist Movements

Currently at least 12 separatist/secessionist movements are engaged in negotiations or campaigns of violence (guerrilla and regular armed conflict) in Africa. But though they are agreed on the need for radical constitutional change, they are not agreed on the solutions. More than that, they rarely maintain a unity of aim within their ranks at any given moment of time, or a consistency of aim over time. It is these shifting political objectives and the nature of the calculations behind them that this article intends to examine. At every stage of the conflict the movements' leaders have to assess the advantages of a secessionist policy as opposed to a separatist (or re-negotiated unitary state) policy. This article finds that among the most crucial factors to be weighed are popular support, state response, international recognition, and personal opportunities. There are important consequences of this shifting of political objectives. It makes typologies based on their political objectives and/or methods of limited value; political support problematic; attempts by governments to induce separatist leaders to defect or compromise worthwhile; and certain elements in the population of the homeland more vulnerable. This is the biggest hindrance to successful separatist movements.     

冷战后泰南穆斯林分离运动的原因探析

本文试图从政治、经济、文化和国际背景入手,分析泰南穆斯林分离运动在冷战后时期再度兴起的原因,阐明泰南穆斯林分离运动的形成与发展既是历史的延续,也是内因与外因交互作用的结果,其中内因起着主导作用。     

20世纪以来泰国马来穆斯林民族主义的演化与发展

20世纪以来,在与外界群体的互动中,泰国马来穆斯林群体的民族认同与民族意识经历了两次转变。第一次是在大泰族主义刺激及泛马来民族主义召唤下,由非政治性的地方民族主义向政治性的跨界民族主义转变,穆斯林群体民族意识高涨,并掀起了大规模的分离运动。第二次则是由于新时期泰南局势的转变及全球性伊斯兰激进思潮的影响,穆斯林群体的民族意识与认同出现了分野,多元认同与极端宗教主义成为这一群体表达民族意识的两种方式。泰南穆斯林群体民族意识和认同的演化,体现了泰国与周边地区的发展态势,折射出20世纪以来东南亚地区伊斯兰文化圈的变化发展。     

暴力方式与民心向背：寻找治理族群叛乱的条件组合

治理族群叛乱的目标既包括土地的控制，也包括人的控制，这是治理族群叛乱区别于其他形式叛乱的特点之一。人的控制实际包含两个内容，既包括人心向背，也包括人员数量的控制。人心向背关乎民众支持，而争取民众支持的必要性在于，虽然拥有民众支持并不必然导致叛乱的平息，但是没有民众支持是不能平息叛乱的。在族群叛乱已经发生的情况下，国家政府只有赢得更多当地民众的支持，才能成功治理叛乱。根据冲突各方的暴力行为方式及其对当地民众支持的影响，成功平息叛乱应具备国家政府有区别使用暴力、叛乱组织无区别使用暴力、当地温和派主导平叛行动等三个必要条件，以争取更多民众支持。这三个条件构成的条件组合，可以有效控制和减少叛乱组织能够招募到的人员数量，只要国家政府的平叛战略能够有效控制叛乱组织所招募的叛乱人员数量，叛乱组织就将走向衰败并最终消亡，也就是说这一条件组合能够成为国家政府成功平叛的一个充分条件。通过对结合俄罗斯、印度和西班牙等国家治理族群叛乱的经验和教训的分析，进一步证实了以上观点。     

Guns,roses and democratization: Huntington's secret admirer in the Caucasus

Georgia is the most democratic country in the Caucasus, but arguably its democratization has also been riddled by Huntingtonian developmental crises, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars. We argue that variation in the type of political instability is best understood by focusing on the interaction between nationalism and political institutionalization rather than on their independent effects. We show that Gamsakhurdia's “state-breaking nationalism”, coupled with political deinstitutionalization, produced separatist and centrist civil wars. When Saakashvili's “state-making nationalism” enhanced state capacity, it marginalized the opposition and rekindled frozen separatist conflicts, but stronger administrative institutions enabled the government to avert another revolutionary regime change.     

Islam in Southeast Asia: The Challenge of Radical Interpretations

This article addresses three questions. The rise of radical Islamic movements in Southeast Asia, the links between Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and al-Qaeda, and the challenge to Southeast Asian states from JI. Desker gives an overview of radical Islamic organisations in Southeast Asia resorting to violence, and their reciprocal connections and ties to the global al-Qaeda network. These organisations and their actions draw attention to the interplay between transnational non-state actors, postcolonial states and regional integration processes in the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Desker points out the fragility of postcolonial states challenged by religious, ethnic and linguistic groups promoting separatist or transnational agendas. As new states protective of their sovereignty and the primacy of their national identities, the ASEAN members generally have pursued individual national interests in confronting such transnational actors. As such the ASEAN member-states have not relied on their multilateral relationships, highlighting the erosion of the ASEAN security community after the Cold War. The original version of this paper was prepared for the Regional Outlook Forum organized by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore on 7 January 2003.     

The international dimension of minority separatism: An attempt at unravelling a Pandora box

A very important problem of today's world is the separatism of minorities and its international dimension, which has not been adequately studied within IR. This is an attempt to come to grips with the international relations of separatism and, in particular, with the normative framework of separatism and the international activity of separatist movements in their quest for self‐determination. The empirical basis were seven post‐war cases of armed separatism.     

An Economic Limitation to the Zone of Democratic Peace and Cooperation

Scholars such as Walker Conner have argued that ethnically based nationalism is likely to reinforce trends toward political fragmentation, particularly in the Third World, even as the momentum of integration and interdependence continue apace. There has been little or no discussion of the implications this sort of fragmentation poses for multi‐national states threatened with such disintegration. This article examines the problem from the vantage point of multi‐ethnic societies and from the perspective of the government's extractive capability vis‐a‐vis society. The exploratory data analysis suggests that ethnic cleavages alone may not constitute serious separatist potential without the presence of substantial systematic political discrimination.     

Intraethnic Dominance and Control: Violence Against Co-Ethnics in the Early Sri Lankan Civil War

In some ethno-separatist wars, rebel groups direct a large share of violence against members of their own ethnic community. But why do rebels target the co-ethnics they claim to represent in the war against the government? Our aim in this paper is to provide the components for a conceptual framework that we assess using unique disaggregated casualty data on violence committed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam against co-ethnic Tamils in territories claimed for the Tamil Eelam state in the early phase of the Sri Lankan conflict, 1985–88. We propose that there are two distinct processes of intraethnic violence: violence against co-ethnic civilians and violence against co-ethnic rivals. While the former aims at controlling the population to win the war against the government, the latter aims at establishing leadership dominance over the ethnic minority. We examine the role of ethnic homogeneity in shaping the use of violence directed against the two types of co-ethnic targets in the buildup phase of ethno-separatist war. We conclude that ethnic demographic structures matter for how the rebels treat co-ethnics in the early phase of war before they have established territorial control.