利用外资调整辽宁产业结构效应及对策

许多国家尤其是日本、新兴工业化国家和地区,利用外资推进产业结构升级,并实现经济高速增长的经验表明:后起国家调整产业结构,实现产业结构的升级演进离不开外国资本和先进技术的有效运用。在辽宁老工业基地振兴及产业结构调整中,外资不仅提高了对工业总产值、工业增加值的贡献、促进了产品结构和产业结构优化、还加大了产业带动作用;同时,外资对辽宁省产业结构也不可避免地造成了一些消极影响。因此,在利用外资过程中,依据辽宁产业结构调整的方向以及产业结构演进的规律,采取引导外资投向优势主导产业、第三产业,利用外资嫁接国有企业,盘活国有资产的战略措施来优化产业结构是振兴辽宁老工业基地的关键。     

东盟若干国家中小企业的融资状况及其对广西的启示

中小企业是一个国家和地区经济活力的保证,在促进市场竞争、增加就业机会、推进技术进步、推动国民经济发展和保障社会稳定等方面起到了大企业不可替代的重要作用.但是中小企业在发展过程中也遇到不少的问题,这些问题在直接影响中小企业自身顺利发展的同时,也影响着国家和地区的经济发展、社会稳定,因此如何保证中小企业健康发展已经成为一个社会关注的问题.在许多国家,中小企业的融资难、贷款难已日益成为制约其发展的突出问题.不同国家的政府都根据本国实际情况制定相应的中小企业发展战略.东盟许多国家的经济发展水平、宏观经济环境、中小企业面临的困难与问题与我国有许多相似之处,因此,通过分析东盟国家对中小企业金融支持的策略,可以得到有价值的经验,有助于促进广西中小企业的发展和竞争力的提高.     

评析外国直接投资对非洲国家经济发展的影响

2000年以来,基于科学技术突飞猛进的发展和国际产业分工格局的深刻变化,经济全球化趋势加速深化。外国直接投资作为国际资本流动的主要方式已经成为带动新兴发展中国家经济体快速增长的重要手段之一。随着非洲大陆外国直接投资流入规模的不断增加,外资在非洲东道国经济发展中的重要性日益增加。当前外资对于非洲国家的资本形成、制度变迁、对外贸易、技术进步、可持续发展等方面都产生了一定影响。非洲国家应该权衡利弊,提高对外资的吸收能力,更好地通过利用外资实现经济发展。     

东南亚金融危机以来新加坡政府中小企业政策分析

中小企业在新加坡经济发展过程中一直扮演着重要的角色。本文以1997年东南亚金融危机以来新加坡政府中小企业政策为主线，通过新加坡政府中小企业政策来透视1997～2008年期间中小企业变化和发展状况。尽管1997年金融危机对新加坡中小企业冲击较大，但由于新加坡政府多举措的大力支持，新加坡中小企业在这10年中都得到较快的恢复并迅速发展，尤其是新加坡中小企业国际化步伐的加快，对中国中小企业走出去具有借鉴意义。     

论东北振兴过程中的政府职能

振兴东北老工业基地的实质是一个再工业化的过程。这一过程既面临着世界其他老工业基地不曾遇到的困难,也面临着其他老工业基地不曾有过的历史性机遇。振兴东北老工业基地既需要政府的积极推动作用,也需要转变和规范政府职能,特别需要注意的部分是地方政府在实施振兴东北老工业基地的过程中,强化计划经济时期政府职能的倾向。目前,需要尽快地编制国家振兴东北老工业基地的总体规划,并在此基础上制定和实施加快国有企业改革、促进民营经济的发展、统筹扩大就业与完善社会保障体系、全面提高开放水平等具体政策措施。     

日本中小企业全球化经营的新趋势及其对我国的启示

中小企业在日本经济发展过程中一直扮演重要的角色。进入20世纪90年代以后,随着经济全球化和信息全球化趋势的日益加强,日本中小企业对外直接投资模式出现了新的发展变化,其在投资规模、投资地区结构、投资方式以及信息技术利用等方面都呈现出新的特征。研究日本中小企业全球化经营新特点和发展趋势,对我国中小企业如何开展对外投资具有重要的启示。     

从封闭走向开放——日本中小企业创新模式的转变

20世纪90年代以来,日本中小企业创新模式由封闭模式向开放模式转变。这种创新模式的转变在模糊企业边界的同时使企业内外部资源被共同应用于创新活动之中,其转变的根源在于分工的深化和专业化水平的提高,具体而言就是企业克服交易费用后对创新过程的分解和优化。日本中小企业创新模式的转变为企业带来了效率、成本和利润上的积极效应,也促进了整个市场的良性发展,对于中国中小企业创新活动的开展具有借鉴意义。     

马来西亚工业化政策及其发展模式：从比较研究的视角

在东亚准新兴工业化国家中,马来西亚的经济发展水平名列前茅。这主要得益于马来西亚成功的工业化模式。尤其是马来西亚的工业化经历了进口替代第二阶段重化工业的发展,其经济实力与商品贸易出口能力大为加强。马来西亚政府在工业化发展进程中扮演了“强干预”的角色,并提供了符合工业化发展内在要求的综合性组合政策。马来西亚的经验表明,推行进口替代第二阶段并非是阻碍发展中国家经济增长与发展的因素,在经济全球化背景下,发展中国家的工业化发展仍然需要被主流学说斥之为“肮脏”的工业化政策。     

Can I stay a BIT longer? The effect of bilateral investment treaties on political survival

Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) have proliferated throughout the international system. While ostensibly commercial in purpose, do BITs have domestic political ramifications? I argue that BITs affect a leader’s tenure through their effect on the property rights environment in developing countries. BITs, by segmenting a country’s property rights environment for foreign and domestic firms, reduce the incentive for foreign firms to lobby for property rights protections in the host country thus leading to a stagnating domestic property rights environment. In autocracies, a stagnating domestic property rights regime benefits domestic business elites who can continue to stymie small and medium enterprises (SMEs). The political benefits of BITs, however, decrease as a country becomes more democratic. Using a dataset of developing country leaders over the period 1965-2011, I find support for my hypothesis that BITs are associated with a decreased hazard of losing office and that the effect diminishes with higher levels of democracy. My results highlight the consequences of the legalization of global investment on the domestic political economy.     

中小企业参与大湄公河次区域经济合作开发的微观环境分析——以中国台资成衣业对柬埔寨投资为例

一、引言 大湄公河次区域经济合作作为中国-东盟自由贸易区的先行示范区，受到次区域各国及中国政府的充分重视，其所涉及到的6个国家（越南、缅甸、老挝、柬埔寨、泰国、中国）均属发展中国家，尤其是越南、缅甸、老挝、柬埔寨，人均收入不到400美元。如今，次区域经济合作的理论探讨及实践已经进行多年，各国政府都希望通过加强合作发展经济，而众多优惠政策也为各中小型企业进入次区域合作开发提供了良好条件。但从目前情况看来，虽然中小型企业发展速度较快，但发展水平仍不高，     

银行信贷扩张与房地产泡沫:对东亚金融危机教训的反思

银行信贷扩张在东亚国家和地区房地产泡沫的形成过程中扮演了重要的角色。对东亚金融危机中具有代表性的泰国、马来西亚以及香港地区的银行信贷与房地产泡沫危机表明:银行信贷在房地产业的过度扩张不仅是造成房地产泡沫的重要原因,而且在泡沫崩溃和经济、金融危机中也起了同样重要的作用。为此,我们应汲取东亚金融危机的这一深刻教训,大力推进国有商业银行的改革,发展各类金融市场,加强金融监管和金融市场制度建设,以保证我国银行业和房地产业的健康发展。     

Foreign aid,democracy, and gender quota laws

Why do so many developing countries have gender quota policies? This article argues that foreign aid programmes influence developing countries to adopt policies aimed at fulfilling international norms regarding gender equality. This relationship is driven by two causal mechanisms. On the one hand, countries may use gender quotas as a signal to improve their standing in the international hierarchy, possibly as an end unto itself, but more likely as a means towards ensuring future aid flows. On the other, countries may adopt gender quotas as a result of successful foreign aid interventions specifically designed to promote women’s empowerment. I test these two causal mechanisms using data on foreign aid commitments to 173 non-OECD countries from 1974 to 2012. The results suggest that while programmes targeting women’s empowerment may have some influence on quota adoption, developing countries dependent on United States foreign aid are also likely to use gender quotas as signalling devices rather than as a result of ongoing liberalization efforts.     

马来西亚中小企业的发展路径与政策调整——一个制度变迁的分析

发展中小企业是金融危机后马来西亚经济政策的一个显著的调整.本文从马来西亚中小企业发展路径人手,分析了造成马国二元性产业组织结构的制度因素.结合制度变迁理论,文章探讨了马国政府在调整中小企业政策过程中所面临的组织成本、预期收益与有效的制度设计思路,并指出由于制度变迁的路径依赖性,马来西亚中小企业的发展将会是一个渐进的过程.     

韩国对外直接投资与产业结构优化研究

韩国是发展对外直接投资比较成功的新兴工业化国家之一.定量分析显示:韩国对外直接投资促进了国内产业结构的优化,降低国内第一、第二产业结构的比例,明显提高国内第三产业结构的比例.借鉴韩国的经验,我国应该选择制造业作为我国发展对外直接投资的重点行业、注重发挥发展中国家的产业相对优势以及对外直接投资的产业选择方向应与国内产业结构高度化的发展趋势相一致.     

21世纪海上丝绸之路建设的产业合作探索

本文论述产业合作在建设21世纪海上丝绸之路中的重要意义,分析目前中国与东盟产业合作的基础、优势和问题,深化中国与沿线国家的产业合作是在21世纪海上丝绸之路建设中的重点,应借助中国—东盟自由贸易区的优惠政策,提高双方合作的实效和层次,实现优势互补、建立跨国产业链,中国与东盟各国建立的跨国经济园区是产业合作的创新模式和重要载体。     

Remittances and varieties of democratization in developing countries

ABSTRACT

How do remittances affect democratization in developing countries? In this paper we reconcile divergent findings in the literature by examining the effect of remittances on procedural and liberal democracy in developing countries at various stages of their democratic development. Remittances are primarily sent to middle-class individuals and bypass government control. Yet, governments in countries receiving remittances want to tax this remittance income. Government officials therefore need to incentivize participation of the middle class in the formal economy by reducing the threat of expropriation. Improving procedural democracy, which assures citizens of improved property and rule of law protections, is one way to accomplish this. We argue that this relationship should only be present in mixed regime types, with the democratizing effect of remittances waning as the country’s level of democracy or autocracy strengthens. Further, we expect elements of liberal democracy, such as civil rights and equality under the law, to remain unchanged in all remittance-receiving countries. The middle class and governing elite are less incentivized to improve liberal democracy to limit the power and mobilization capacity of the poor and prevent increased redistribution. We test our theory on a dataset of developing countries from 1975 through 2011.     

Norms from the periphery: tracing the rise of the common but differentiated principle in international environmental politics

Abstract

Over the last three decades, constructivist scholars of international relations have created a rich body of literature on the influence of global norms. Until recently, the vast majority of that work focused on norms originating in the developed world and neglected the ideational impact of developing countries. This article confronts this oversight in the literature by tracing the rise of the “common but differentiated responsibility” (CBDR) norm in international environmental politics. The CBDR principle traces its origins to the developing world and today it is part of the framework principles of international environmental agreements. Thus, it represents a global norm promoted by, rather than diffused to, the developing world. In the process of tracing this norm’s rise, this article generates a set of hypotheses about the conditions under which developing countries create global norms.     

Political entrepreneurs,clientelism, and civil society: supply-side politics in Turkey

How do citizens in developing democracies launch political careers? Despite the large literature on electoral politics in developing countries, we know surprisingly little about how individuals become political candidates. This article examines an important mechanism of political recruitment in developing democracies: party-civil society organization (CSO) linkages. Existing theories treat CSOs as arenas of civic participation rather than as political agents in their own right, which leads scholars to overlook their impact on electoral competition. This article argues that the distinct resource portfolios of CSOs influence their relative impact on candidate selection, and consequently, local politics. CSOs that represent the material interests of their constituents, such as resource-rich business groups and vote-rich identity groups, have significant influence over candidate selection. Issue-oriented CSOs tend to have less impact. Party-CSO relations often facilitate clientelist linkages between parties and voters, weakening democratic governance. Evidence is provided with an in-depth case study of CSO-political party relations in the industrial periphery of Istanbul, Turkey.     

The Securitization of Infectious Diseases

Securitization theory stipulates that an issue can be securitized if it is presented as an ＂existential threat＂ with speech acts and relevant norms established accordingly. Emerging and remerging infectious diseases have been increasingly framed in terms of security. The anthrax attacks and the outbreak of SAR accentuated the security implications of infectious diseases. Based on securitization theory, this article explores the process of securitizing infectious diseases. Using the World Health Organization （WHO） as a case study, the article argues that the securitization of infectious diseases has been reflected in the norms of WHO now that WHO maintains the authority in public health issues at the global level. However, the neutral position and technology-based approach on the part of WHO render the securitization problematic and controversial. The problems and controversies do not result from the securitization itself but from the imbalance of interests between developed and developing countries. While promoting securitization in WHO out of concern for their own security, developed countries should also take into consideration the public health concerns of developing countries.     

Lessons from Taiwan's Economic Development

Taiwan changed from a traditional agriculture society into an industrialized modern country within roughly one century. This fast development was regarded as a model for developing countries. Taiwan together with Hong Kong, Singapore, and South Korea became known as the Four Asian newly industrialized countries (NICs) in the 1970s, recognized for their successful economic development. However, on its way to becoming a high-income developed country, Taiwan encountered a number of difficulties. Some of them might have been caused by the political threat from China, but there were other challenges that were common to many middle income countries. Taiwan's experiences of the latter may offer lessons to other developing countries. The difficulties for Taiwan caused by China may offer more alarming lessons for countries—including developing countries—that face growing interactions with China.