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1.
The “new” global capitalism is transforming the ways in which commerce is conducted and organized. Business enterprises have to perform and compete in a largely unregulated global market economy if they are to survive, let alone prosper, and contend with higher levels of financial and political risks. Transnational Corporations (TNCs) have come to occupy a pivotal position in the world economy, commanding immense financial resources and employing tens of thousands throughout the world, and are active participants in global political and economic affairs. TNC executives—the global corporate elite—crisscross the planet as they manage local, national, and international relationships, and represent and advance their global interests in myriad international conferences and meetings. TNCs are now interacting with states and international governmental organizations on a broad array of issues and problems (many far removed from the core business). As global actors with distinct and clear interests, they have had to develop their own representational mechanisms to manage the complex relationships that mark today's global system.  相似文献   

2.
全球经济结构正在进行的重大调整和新兴经济体地位的迅速上升为金砖国家集团的出现提供了时代契机。本文深入分析了金砖国家之间的共同经济利益和利益分歧。金砖国家在经济结构互补、改革国际货币金融体系、提升国际经济地位、应对大规模资本流入和碳排放等方面拥有广泛的共同利益,但在双边贸易、大宗商品定价、人民币汇率和国际货币经济秩序改革方式等问题上存在着一些分歧和矛盾。  相似文献   

3.
2008年始发于美国的国际金融危机给世界经济造成了普遍影响并使之遭受严重衰退,尤其在"后危机时代"加增了其复苏的困难,但世界最大的两个发展中国家中国和印度却在危机中一直表现出色,不仅率先恢复了自身经济的活力与增长,而且继续保持了地区及全球"经济增长引擎"的地位,这充分凸显出两国进一步加强经贸合作的必要性和重要性。  相似文献   

4.
Dick Bryan 《Global Society》2008,22(4):491-505
Markets for foreign exchange derivatives are turning over $US 5.5 trillion per day and they are having a critical economic and social impact. But they are little understood in the international relations and international political economy (IPE) literature. This paper introduces the key themes of derivative markets and reports on the results of the most recent Bank for International Settlements' triennial survey of global foreign exchange and derivative markets. As well as reporting the enormous scale of growth of these markets, the paper analyses the trends, especially regarding the declining role of the US dollar and the changing roles of different sorts of financial institutions in global financial markets. Finally, it explores what the data indicate about whether these markets can be characterised as being driven by “speculation”.  相似文献   

5.
本文以全球金融危机为背景,通过对传统国际金融生态环境的主要矛盾分析,总结全球金融危机后国际金融生态环境的新特点,初步探索推动人民币国际化的战略模式选择,并在充分尊重区域经济、政治不平衡发展的客观规律基础上,提出推进中国—东盟人民币区域化发展的战略意义和地缘要求。  相似文献   

6.
This is the golden age of economic statecraft—and the study of economic statecraft. This is in large part due to the evolution of economic coercion from trade embargoes to targeted financial sanctions. Targeted financial sanctions are attractive because they can generate economic costs similar to those of more comprehensive sanctions, with fewer negative externalities. Over time, however, the intersection of economic sanctions with globalized capital markets will provoke three interesting research questions. First, do financial sanctions spare a target country’s population from negative humanitarian and human rights outcomes? Second, to what extent are financial sanctions an exercise in learning by both targets and senders? Third, will the United States’ use of financial sanctions trigger blowback against US primacy in the international financial system? These last two questions offer the prospect to linking research on economic statecraft with larger questions of international security and global political economy.  相似文献   

7.
The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style "financial capitalism." Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests (such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference), along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.  相似文献   

8.
二战后,世界政治经历了"平靖进程",具体体现为:"大国罕有战事""国家罕有消亡"。本文融合国际政治经济学与国际安全研究,展示二战后的技术变迁改变了大国的"意愿"与"能力",支撑了世界政治新变化。在马尔萨斯时代,由于技术水平低下,生存物资稀缺,生存保障匮乏,人类面临持续的安全难题。二战后,技术发展影响了当代大国的"意愿"与"能力",让世界政治呈现新变化。技术变迁给大国提供了更为丰富的选择,让大国使用武力征服的意愿降低;同时,随着技术变迁,尤其是在"核革命"后,大国确保自身安全的能力更强,使得"大国罕有战事"。得益于技术变迁,大国利益半径扩大,即便距离遥远地域的变化也与自身息息相关,大国保障遥远海外利益的意愿提升;同时,技术变迁扩大了大国的权力投射,让世界各国,尤其是大国保障体系稳定的能力更强,致使"国家罕见消亡"。随着技术变迁,世界政治已呈现出很多与传统智慧不同的方面,孕育国际交往的新理念。  相似文献   

9.
This article argues that the democratization processes taking place in South Africa and elsewhere in emerging market economies cannot be separated from the global economic context within which these processes are taking place. The article illustrates that the mainstream political economy literature has not paid sufficient attention to the issue of the limits and constraints placed upon these newly emerging democracies by the new financial architecture, particularly the derivatives market, which now determines the value and price of emerging market currencies. The article concludes that the workings of this market not only heavily favour the interests of developed countries but that they deeply question the accountability of politicians in those emerging markets and thereby endanger the legitimacy of the democratic project in large parts of the post-colonial world. The article is divided into three sections: first, a critique of some of the leading political economy analyses and their position on the relationship between open-economy policies and democracy; second, an account of the development of the derivatives market since 1973 and a theorization of its implications for currency movements, particularly monetary volatility, of emerging market currencies; third, an illustration by way of the South African and Brazilian cases of the policy implications of currency volatility for creating improved social and economic conditions.  相似文献   

10.
Closer to us in what it integrates and in its consequences, global politics still gets conceptualized as if it belonged to a realm of its own, disembedded and abstracted beyond quotidian experiences of power. Still folded in a supernatural world that cannot be of their making, as far from experience as their cold war predecessors were, international studies (IS) students are as alienated and find it as hard to work with critical imagination.
To teach students to be more than mere technicians of whatever new world order may be born of present circumstances, we have to unmake the political separation that still exists between the study and teaching of global politics and everyday life in the world economy.
This article presents a record of a decade-long teaching experiment conducted in the department of political science at Laval University in Québec City. Borrowing techniques and inspiration from the "historical avant-garde," I have worked to reinvent my pedagogical practice to create "situations" in which students can be full, unalienated subjects in the learning process.  相似文献   

11.
基于对世界金融体系、区域金融布局、本国经济金融发展和政治影响力等方面的考虑,中俄两国相继提出要建立国际金融中心。通过对两国经济、金融、政策、基础设施和人才等多方面的现状比较可以发现,上海相对于莫斯科在建设国际金融中心的综合优势更加明显。但作为战略目标相近、地理位置相邻的两个大国,在未来两国建设国际金融中心的过程中,对于战略空间、金融资源、金融创新和货币领域的竞争将不可避免。因此,建议在竞争的同时,还要加强政策、资本市场、货币领域的合作,力争实现错位发展。  相似文献   

12.
改革开放30年来,中国政府充分认识安全问题的重要性和安全威胁的变化,成功地实现了安全战略的转变,在复杂的情况下维护了国家安全。主要经验是:创立新安全观;客观理性分析,准确把握局势;化危机为转机,建机制防患未然。面临未来的安全挑战,中国应立足时代前列,突破难题,继续前进。  相似文献   

13.
付争 《东北亚论坛》2020,(1):85-99,128
目前,世界经济陷入长期低迷,金融脆弱性加剧,全球金融空间呈现出新的变化趋势,体现为数字金融发展对金融地理的影响、全球金融空间功能性分化、全球金融中心的多极化与生态化。这些变化趋势推动着全球金融空间内主体多元化与功能结构的改变,随之而来的风险包括全球金融治理效率低下、国际经济政策协调空间被挤压等。为此,作为新兴大国,中国应敦促国际社会以新型网络化治理增加国际协调空间,以帕累托改进化解国际金融监管协调困境,并在"一带一路"建设与金融开放进程中,做到工具理性与价值理性统一,营造出具有区域特色的金融生态,以便在全球金融空间变化过程中,对本国在空间中的定位与伙伴国的选择进行清晰的预判。  相似文献   

14.
This article uses empirical evidence from Latin American and East European International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs from 1982 to 2001 to analyze the nature and the extent of preferential lending practices by the IMF. Unlike prior work, which focused on narrow political interference from large IMF member states, the present analysis differentiates between such narrow interests and the Fund's international systemic responsibilities, which may justify the preferential treatment of systemically important countries to prevent broader regional or global crises. The empirical results suggest that systemically based deviations from technocratic impartiality predominate in situations—such as the Latin American debt crisis—where international financial stability is under serious threat. Under such circumstances, economically important countries do receive preferential IMF treatment but only when experiencing severe crises, while narrow "private goods" considerations are largely sidelined. When systemic threats are less immediate—such as in Latin America and Eastern Europe in the 1990s—IMF favoritism reflects a more volatile and region-specific mix of private and public considerations in line with the changing interests of powerful Western nations in the developing world.  相似文献   

15.
金融危机对世界经济、政治和安全格局的深层次影响   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
陈东晓 《和平与发展》2009,(4):20-24,66-72
当前这场金融危机具有深刻的经济性和政治性根源合成、并发的特征,其影响将更为持久、广泛而深远。金融危机将全面启动新一轮国际金融乃至全球经济体系的改革进程,表现为全球金融体系朝着更加均衡、公平和综合方向改革的步伐加快,但全球金融/经济体系改革和过渡仍是一个长期而渐进的过程。金融危机推动了世界政治、安全格局的深度演变和改变国际政治议程的优先程序,对中国的对外关系提供了更多的战略机遇和挑战。  相似文献   

16.
Since the 2008 international financial crisis,international political and economic disorder has become obvious.Major reasons are the decline of US-led Western developed economies' global influence;US and other Western countries inaction or ineffective actions;power diffusion allowing non-state actors to intervene;a global governance short of needed rules;and mainstream economic theory's overemphasis on market roles.International disorder is a long-term process posing a potential threat to China' s national interests.The situation challenges China to create an international economic and trade order,thereby shaping itself as prophet of global free trade,shaper of international economic and trade rules,and trendsetter for globalization.  相似文献   

17.
Building upon interdisciplinary efforts to understand the origins, logic and significance of global cities, this article argues that global cities should be seen as a critical component and outcome of a political project to generate a global market society. Global cities should be seen as the successful implementation of free-market political philosophy, constructed and defended by a particular historical configuration of international society. The historical transformation of urban form signalled by the "global city" concept is tightly bound to the neoliberal restructuring of the world economy in the 1970s, underpinned by US hegemonic power. The first part of this article argues that the distinctive historical origin of global cities has shaped their current trajectories and draws the horizon of their future prospects. Having established the connection between liberal world order and global cities, the second part of the article argues that the contemporary form of the global city is under threat from two sources. The first threat is internal to the global city form itself. Global cities have internalised the contradictory forces of market liberalism. They have registered astonishing economic growth over the last four decades, and generated vast material and intellectual resources. But, at the same time, they have become deeply divided and polarised in ways that threaten the urban fabric. The second source of threat comes from the possible weakening or collapse of liberal world order, with the accelerating decline of US hegemony. Drawing on aspects of Karl Polanyi's analysis of the nineteenth-century "great transformation", the article argues that a number of future trajectories for the global city can be identified in the contemporary moment.  相似文献   

18.
Ha and Kim present a new reading of the East Asian crisis, focusing particularly on South Korea's experience. They argue that previous studies have ignored the political environment that paved the way for such an event. Neoliberal economists, according to the authors, were so enamoured with the example of the 'Asian tigers' and the ideal of unregulated markets that they were blind to the many warnings of an ensuing disaster. Economic systems can thus no longer rest on such a free-market capitalist ideal where no one controls the global economy, but must instead have a secure political base. As the financial crisis has shown, such international anarchy must be checked by a new set of international institutions. While the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) organisation did attempt to handle the crisis, it, along with Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), proved unable to do so. East Asia's leaders and theorists have been presented with the challenge of reforming this region's institutions and political orders in order to avoid another crisis, complete with all its social and political ramifications.  相似文献   

19.
战后以来,强大经济实力始终是美国霸权政治的基础,金融则扮演了美国经济"晴雨表"的角色。2007年后的金融危机和债务危机削弱了美国霸权的经济"实力",使美国霸权战略不得不进行一系列调整:在经济领域,奥巴马政府实施了经济优先战略,推动美国霸权战略的"国内化"转向,力图夯实美国在世界政治经济格局中的霸主基础;在国际政治领域,加速推进"转型外交"进程,倡导多边主义和国际协作;在军事领域,采取相对收缩的军事战略,适时调整海外军事布局,全力应对国际金融危机。  相似文献   

20.
The article focuses on the co-constitution of political subjectivities, political regimes and global political economy by exploring experiences of international travel by ordinary Yugoslav citizens. Political non-players (Ashis Nandy (1998) The intimate enemy: loss and recovery of self under colonialism (New Delhi: Oxford University Press)) and their everyday practices are key protagonists in the narrative of border crossings, migrations, translocations and regime sustenance. Taking a cue from Peter Taylor's (Modernities (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999)) analysis of ‘ordinary modernity’, the article examines the ways in which foreign travel helped create ‘ordinary comfort’ for ‘ordinary citizens’ in the Yugoslav communist experiment. The temporal focus is on the 1970s—time of grave economic crisis in Western Europe and the United States—and, thanks to petro-dollar debt, the time of unprecedented prosperity and largesse in Yugoslavia. By looking at the variety of ways ordinary Yugoslavs travelled abroad and the representations of ‘abroad’ at home, the article explores the ways in which inostranstvo (the foreign world, the international) and its imaginary came to the rescue of the national, and how the liberty of travel (always contrasted to the ‘prison’ of other communist countries) obfuscated political and economic problems within.  相似文献   

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